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Synonyms and antonyms of Grabhügel in the German dictionary of synonyms

  1. pierreloubresse – germancity
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  3. Rall, Hans 1912-
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Ganshof, The Carolingians and the Frankish monarchy London, , pp. In addition to the references cited in note 43 above, see W. Fritze reports a suggestion of the Polish scholar E. Kucharski, made in , that the list of Slav peoples and civitates in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm , fols. The manuscript itself is dated by B. Fritze prefers a date for the original text between and and links it with Louis the German.

For a facsimile of the Geographicus Bavarus text see M. The allusion Einhard makes to the Abodrites formerly being allies of the Franks is as likely to be a reference to the situation after , when they had become tributaries of the Danes, as to As Matthew Innes and I argued in , the Vita Karoli needs to be placed in the context of the preparation of the Ordinatio imperii of and the association between Louis the Pious and the papacy in — The will and its signatories included by Einhard enhanced the function of the final paragraphs of his text. An instant objection might be to ask why the text continued to circulate, if so placed in terms of its political purpose and sympathies in relation to Bernard of Italy.

See McKitterick, History and memory, pp. Arguments for later dates than this that have been offered, notably for —30, are less persuasive and too much dominated by the mistaken notion that the text is to be seen as a critique of Louis rather than as a celebration of Charlemagne. Einhard, indeed, has been credited with inventing, for the early middle ages at least, a new form of Life. In his own monastery at Fulda, where he was educated, he is most likely first to have encountered the classical and Christian texts which formed his intellect and shaped his style of writing.

Secondly, the notions of sainthood or hagiography may not have crossed his mind.

pierreloubresse – germancity

See, for example, Tischler, Einharts Vita Karoli, pp. Wallace-Hadrill, The long-haired kings and other studies in Frankish history London, , pp. Heinzelmann, Gregor von Tours. Certainly their structure was not the same as a biography, but they did at least provide examples of how to discuss the gesta of kings. Thirdly, it is mistaken to suppose that writers in the early middle ages might have been unfamiliar with the idea of a secular biography, for the Life of a saint was not the only contemporary model to hand.

The parallels in subject matter between Augustus according to Suetonius and Charlemagne according to Einhard are undoubted, not least the interest in learning. Jahrhundert Darmstadt, , pp. Carroll, Gregory of Tours: history and society in the sixth century Cambridge, , pp. McKitterick, History and memory, pp.

For a positive assessment see L. These prescriptions were adapted among the Roman orators and rhetoricians, not least Quintilian in a section of his Institutio oratoria on the praise of men and, more generally, by Cicero in his De oratore. Cicero referred to the deeds facta and the achievements res gesta that could also be praised by the panegyricist.

These are the words Einhard invokes in his preface to the Vita Karoli. He also had other practical examples of the praise of illustrious men to hand. Einhard in and others in the royal entourage on other occasions, for example, Compare Einhard, Vita Karoli, ed. Halphen, c. Rolfe, Suetonius Cambridge, Mass. Nixon and B. Introduction, translation and historical commentary with the Latin text of R. Mynors Berkeley, , pp. For a useful summary see M. Lupus, Ep. Levillain, p. Cicero, De oratore, I I , 84—5, ed. Sutton and H. Rackham Cambridge, Mass. There is one other crucial text to be mentioned.

It provided the essential structure, standard in ancient biographies, for the biography of a secular leader. It has an element of panegyric and a sensitivity to the recent political past it portrays. The narrative style draws on Sallust and Livy. He also acted as quaestor in AD 64, tribune of the 62 Tacitus, Agricola, Germania and Dialogus, ed. Ogilvie, E. Warmington and M. Winterbottom revised from M. Hutton and W. Tacitus, Agricola c. Ogilvie, Warmington and Winterbottom, p. Agricola was in Britain at the time of the revolt of Boudicca in A D More personal detail is given in an account of his virtues and of his happy marriage c.

Tacitus then takes Agricola back to Britain in AD The central section telling of his governorship and extensive military campaigns against the British tribes cc. This includes the description of the length of the days and nights in Britain and an imaginative reconstruction of how the Britons would have felt about being ruled by Rome.

There is an account of the will which named the Emperor Domitian as co-heir. At 66 Inde etiam habitus nostri et frequens toga; paulatimque discessum ad delenimenta vitiorum, porticus et balinea et conviviorum elegantiam. Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis est. Agricola spent the winter of AD 79 in supervising the Romanization of the province, encouraging in particular the development of urban centres and the spread of Latin education. Season after season of campaigns in the north and northwest of Britain, including the strategic capture of Anglesey and southern Scotland, culminated in the dramatic victory of Mons Graupius.

This codex was formerly Codex Aesinas lat. Written at Fulda, it is dated palaeographically to s. Halphen, pp.

Sing it in German - When Johnny Comes Marching Home [German Version][+English Translation]

It also has contemporary corrections in a different hand. The rest of the book comprises copies of the Germania and Dictys Cretensis made by the Italian humanist Guanieri, supposedly from another ninth-century exemplar. Guanieri appears to have attempted to make his copy look as much like his ninthcentury exemplar in layout and headings as he could.

The Jesi codex was discovered by Cesare Annibaldi in , attracted the attention of Adolf Hitler who vainly asked Mussolini for it in , was published in facsimile in ,75 and was lost sight of for decades subsequently, but is now in Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale Cod. In this sense he could be said to have created Charlemagne,77 or at least an extraordinarily influential representation of Charlemagne that might also have been read as a model for rulership.

Wikidata:WikiProject sum of all paintings/Location/Germany/Missing inventory number

That later readers nevertheless wanted more detail on specific points and supplementary topics and used the royal portrait in different ways is suggested by the manuscript contexts in which the life is so often found, that is, in books which are effectively dossiers on Charlemagne or on Carolingian kings and Frankish history more generally. Reynolds, Texts and transmission, p. Heiric made some excerpts, see M.

See the useful summary by R. For orientation in the massive amount of literature on Notker see H. King ed.

Rall, Hans 1912-

On the manuscript transmission of the Astronomer see E. Consequently, chapters 2—20 refer to Charlemagne only incidentally. His task was to be neither careless to the present nor begrudging to the future. Hannibal was invoked as a comparison when Charlemagne crossed the Pyrenees, and the defeat at Roncesvalles was mentioned only obliquely. Here the Astronomer claims that Charlemagne handed over the kingdom which he had assigned to him at birth and he describes the arrangements made for the administration of the kingdom.

Charlemagne is portrayed in consequence as a wise king, treating the kingdom like a body, and making sensible, practical administrative arrangements for good government. Further, in chapter 4, the Astronomer noted that Charles took Louis to Rome to receive the royal insignia from the pope and later on summoned him successively to Paderborn, Worms, Ingelheim, Regensburg and Salz. In Louis spent Christmas in Ravenna and on campaign in Benevento with his brother Pippin, and he is mentioned as coming to Tours in , to See E.

Tremp, Thegan: die Taten Kaiser Ludwigs. Prologus, ed. Tremp, Astronomus, p. This seems designed to demonstrate how Charlemagne was schooling his son for the succession, and certainly for his role as king in Aquitaine. The Astronomer spelt this out in col. It was Charlemagne, moreover, who forbade Louis to relinquish rule and become a monk. Ecclesiasticus He presented Charlemagne in an extraordinary and distinctive way as an apostle bringing the Christian faith to the gentiles: just as the Ethiopians had Matthew, and Thomas went to India, so the Saxons had Charlemagne.

Poeta Saxo, Annales de gestis Caroli: magni imperatoris, ed. I V Berlin, , pp. Einhard, Vita Karoli, ed. Frustratingly little is known about the Poeta Saxo.

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He was a Corvey monk, writing between and in the reign of Arnulf, who is mentioned in the text as still the reigning monarch. The poem might even have been presented to King Arnulf, but there is no clear evidence that it was known outside Corvey itself. Corvey itself was a productive place in the ninth century. Efforts to identify the Poeta Saxo with Agius of Corvey, author of the Vita Hathumodi, were dismissed by Strecker and attempts to resuscitate the attribution have not found favour. Other killing and destruction by fire and sword are presented as incidental means for the procuring of a people for the new faith.

Poeta Saxo, ed. Winterfeld, MGH Poet. Bohne, Der Poeta Saxo in der historiographischen Tradition der 8. Jahrhundert Frankfurt, See below, pp. Book II starts with the visit to Rome in and the baptism of Pippin. It treats the downfall of Tassilo very summarily, and omits the material in the revised Annales regni francorum on Theuderic, on the death of Bertrada, and concerning Byzantium, though it does include the revolt of Hardrad of The third book includes verses for which bewail the evils of humans, before telling the story of Leo and the happy days the pope spent with Charlemagne at Paderborn.

Charlemagne reaches Rome and Book IV starts with the imperial coronation. A large amount of space is devoted to the year and the final conclusion of peace between Charlemagne and the Saxons. The terms of the peace are provided in detail and great weight is placed upon the hope that they should now be one people.

Under the king is at Aachen. The poet gave a full account of the rationale for the Divisio regnorum. The king wanted to maintain peace, prevent dissension and avoid schism. He devised a division of the kingdom, giving portions to each one as he wished, for he hoped to prevent his sons quarrelling. The Poeta Saxo emphasized that Charles the Younger was intended to be the successor to the kingdom of the Franks. It is from this year, moreover, that Charlemagne is said to have based himself at Aachen and his military exploits ceased.

The rightful inheritance of Bernard, son of Pippin, in is also stressed. The emphasis Einhard and the Astronomer placed on the succession of Louis is reiterated here, for Charlemagne increased his kingdom and surrendered it to his prudent and peace-loving son Louis. Almost all the peoples of Europe, says the author, remember his great effort even to this day. All are, moreover, dependent to a greater or lesser extent on information provided either in the Annales After his account of the imperial coronation of Charlemagne in Book IV, however, he diverged ever further from the Revised Version of the Annales regni francorum which have been his base text hitherto, to such an extent that I suspect he had access only to a text of the annals running to , that is the section actually revised.

He also appears to have drawn on the Lorsch annals; or at least he chooses to discuss the law giving of the king, an account of which is also to be found in the Lorsch annals entry for Further, each author was perfectly capable of adding local and individual memories or a personal selection of documentary material to his narrative. Thus Einhard, although apparently drawing much of his information from the Revised Version of the Annales regni francorum, and once even credited with being the Reviser himself, adds comments about particular events.

See L. Foreign embassies from the Persian ruler, the Greeks, Alfonso, king of Galicia and the Asturias, and monks from Jerusalem are certainly mentioned in the Annales regni francorum from But so are many more that Einhard does not mention. Equally Einhard refers to the Irish kings who are not mentioned in the annals. The Poeta Saxo, for his part, added occasional comments on protagonists in his story, his own knowledge about his people, and the long account of the terms agreed between Charlemagne and the Franks at the conclusion of the three decades of war and attrition.

That of course is something that has to be done, as I have indicated above, and is certainly interesting in itself. It is essential, however, to move to the next stage and to think in terms not so much of how particular texts influenced subsequent authors but more of what these authors did to these texts and how they used them.

Further, does Einhard, the Astronomer, or the Poeta Saxo need to have a single specific textual source for the information he includes? Why should this be important? Did these authors have a choice, or does this merely reflect different distribution patterns of the text on which they drew? If, on the other hand, both the original and revised texts of the Annales regni francorum were available, as seems to have been the case for all these authors, the version of one being preferred over the other assumes greater significance.

Yet what matters more than the sources from which each new text was constructed is the image of Charles thereby created. In other words, my underlying theme is use and transformation as processes 96 See Vita Karoli, ed. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici, c. Even so, neither should we underestimate the independence of each author. Given that the Annales regni francorum were used by the author of the Revised Version of the Annales regni francorum to create his own text, some discussion of the consequent transformation of the overall image of Charlemagne effected by the Reviser is necessary before we address the topic of the Annales regni francorum themselves.

Its earliest complete manuscript, now in Vienna O from the s. The spectrum of political opinion represented in the circulation of modern newspapers is a possible parallel. The crux appears to be that it might be possible to chart a change in court preference in the time of Charles the Bald and Louis the German. The Revised Version alters the emphasis of the narrative and offers us a different perspective — sometimes subtly different and sometimes less so. In See the clear account of the discussion of this text in S. See also below, pp. Murray ed. Essays presented to Walter Goffart Toronto, , pp.

There are a number of minor differences that can be noted, such as the form of some place and personal names. Thus the Reviser wrote Franci orientales rather than Franci austrasiorum. A variant choice of vocabulary is generally more classical. There is apparently a more exact version of place and personal names, especially in the rendering of Slavic names; names are supplied where lacking and additional people are mentioned by name. Three further instances of the treatment of particular incidents — the conquest of the Lombard kingdom in —4, the events leading up to the execution of 4, Saxons at Verdun in , and the references to Rome in — serve to demonstrate how the Reviser built his own account.

According to the Annales regni francorum, the legate Peter sent by Pope Hadrian arrived in to urge the king and the Franks to help him against Desiderius, king of the Lombards. Charlemagne took counsel with the Franks and agreed to do what was requested; he then went and gathered the army at Geneva and divided it, with his uncle Bernard leading one wing across the Great St Bernard pass while Charles went via Mont Cenis. The king pitched his camp with the Franks below the pass, where Desiderius set out to meet him, but then retreated without an engagement.

Charles with the Franks and all his fideles entered Italy and besieged Pavia. The papal legate Peter comes to the king but Charlemagne alone investigates what is happening between Romans and Lombards, and decides to wage war. He comes with his army of Franks to Geneva and only at that stage takes counsel about the conduct of the war. Thus the Reviser made more of the papal position by means of some imaginative glossing, which, incidentally, may indicate he had access to the copies of letters from Pope Hadrian in the Codex Carolinus.

Under , the Annales regni francorum recorded that Charles set out on a military campaign, crossed the Rhine at Cologne, and held a synodus at Lippspringe. All the Saxons save the rebel Widukind came to Charlemagne there, and there were also legates from Halfdan of the Danes and from the Avars. The Saxons under Widukind rebelled, but Charlemagne, unaware of this, sent an army of Franks and Saxons against some Slavs.

Charlemagne heard about this and sent another army of Franks. The Saxons then assembled docilely, subjected themselves to the power of the lord king, and handed over to Charlemagne the rebels, except for Widukind, who had fled to the Northmen. The account continues in this neutral way: 4, Saxons were to be put to death, the sentence was carried out and when all this had been done the king returned to Francia.

The king received news of a rebellion of Sorbs in Thuringia and sent Adalgis the camerarius, Geilo the comes stabuli and Warin the comes palatii to take the eastern Franks and Saxons in an army to repress the Slavs. Adalgis, Geilo and Warin accordingly crossed the Saale, heard about the Saxon rebellion and decided to go and deal with it themselves, but without informing the king.

At this stage the palatine counts decided that they wanted to do this on their own, for they feared that otherwise Theodoric would get all the credit. They thereupon attacked the Saxons without Theodoric and disaster of course ensued. Adalgis and Geilo were killed together with four other counts, twenty fideles and men who chose to die at their sides rather than survive them: Praeter ceteros qui hos secuti potius cum eis perire quam post eos vivere maluerunt. The king then received news of what had happened and decided to gather an army, and when he had arrived he questioned the primores of the Saxons whom he had summoned to him about who was responsible for the rebellion.

Not only is there a stronger moral tone and elegiac element for the fallen led astray by their disobedient leaders ; there is also again more emphasis on the personal role of the king himself. A further example is the entry for Angilbert, abbot of the monastery of St Riquier was sent for this purpose. The original version, however, makes no mention of securing the fidelity of the Roman people, their oaths, or that Angilbert was sent to receive the oaths.

What Angilbert went to Rome for, according to this annalist, was to take the pope some of the Avar treasure as a gift. As one proceeds through the whole Revised Version of the Annales regni francorum, it conveys an impression of Charlemagne the king, the role of the Franks and the regime he created, very different from that created by the text on which it is based.

Charles emerges as far more obviously the principal actor in the version made by the Reviser. The Reviser was a. As I have stressed elsewhere, the Reviser further enhances the legitimacy of Carolingian and Frankish rule over many peoples. They offer precious insights into the processes of the reception of news and the augmentation of the construction of the Frankish past to be found in the Annales regni francorum, and it is to this fundamental text that I now turn. The text known as the Annales regni francorum is the most substantial, as well as the most influential, of the contemporary narratives for the history of the Frankish kingdoms under the early Carolingian rulers.

The structure of year-by-year entries is most probably modelled on that of the Chronicon of EusebiusJerome, which was widely known and copied in the early Carolingian period. The fine copy of the first quarter of the ninth century, Leiden Universiteitsbibliotheek Scaliger 14, has even been connected with the court. McKitterick, History and memory, p.

Bischoff, Katalog I I , No. Wattenbach, W. Levison and H. Heft Die Karolinger vom Anfang des 8. Frankish kings who was, for the most part, very well informed about the central affairs of the Frankish kingdoms. He wrote, moreover, from a court, rather than from a monastic, perspective. There are also indications in the surviving manuscripts that the court was implicated in the distribution of the text. Although organized as entries for a succession of years, it is generally agreed that these annals present a composite text: they were written in batches by a few anonymous individuals; they were not compiled on a yearby-year basis.

Arguments have centred, therefore, on how these batches of year entries were grouped, when they were compiled, and how the manuscript tradition may help to determine either of these things. The grouping of years as well as the dates of compilation may illuminate what the intended impact and political purpose of each batch might have been at the time of composition. The effect on the preceding sections of adding a section, quite apart from the role played by the later permutations and combinations of the text we find in the extant manuscripts, also needs to be considered.

It is also necessary, however, to address two general issues. Firstly, there is the question of the structure of the narrative in terms of possible changes of author. This in itself is a further reason to look at this section rather more Becher and J. Jarnut eds. Der Codex Vindobonensis palat. Egger and H. Weigl eds. It may be helpful, therefore, to summarize current scholarship on the survival and production of the annals.

Each of the versions B to E, moreover, has ninth-century manuscript witnesses and the distribution of extant copies indicates that the Annales regni francorum was disseminated right across the Frankish realm from Brittany to Bavaria. A further question concerns the distribution of the text in terms of year entries in the extant versions and their surviving manuscripts, for the latter are divided more or less according to the number of years included in the different manuscript recensions. They may be a reflection of the stages in which composition was completed.

Halphen, Etudes; G. Kurze suggested that the author of the section to himself added the entries to On the basis of style, syntax and vocabulary, H. Einhardi Strasbourg, , and Bloch, review of Monod, proposed the following divisions: —94, —, —29; but Halphen, Etudes critiques, suggested that if their criteria were rigorously applied one also got changes of author at , , , , , , , , , etc!

We also need to ask why the Reviser stopped revising his text at It may be the case that the section of the Annales regni francorum running to had been widely circulated, and that the Revised Version was intended as a specific substitute for it. Further support for the notion of an earlier section of the Annales regni francorum that ran to somewhere in the s or even up to being disseminated and a portion subsequently added might be derived from the Lorsch annals, composed in The A version survives in the edition made by Canisius, published in and based on a now lost Lorsch manuscript.

It apparently ran to Hence the proposal that this was the point at which the annals were first compiled or written though Canisius added some more text from up to from the so-called Lorsch annals in his edition. The current MGH entry for , however, has an extra paragraph taken from the B, C and D versions but not in Canisius which begins: Post haec omnia domnus rex Carolus per semetipsum ad Raganesburg pervenit et ibi fines vel marcas Baioariorum disposuit, quomodo salvas Domino protegente contra iamdictos Avaros esse potuissent.

Inde vero reversus celebravit natalem Domini in Aquis palatio, pascha similiter. And the count of the years changed to This is the kind of summing-up paragraph which could have been added by an author of a subsequent section. McKitterick, Perceptions, pp. This would lend the year no particular significance in relation to the distinctness of portions. The B version is represented in the Carolingian manuscripts Vat. It begins in mid-sentence in the former and ends before the final paragraph about the war waged by the Emperor Michael of Byzantium against the Bulgars, presumably from a copy which also ran from to There is an eleventh-century copy running from to and a sixteenth-century edition from a lost manuscript which ran to Again, therefore, possible explanations for the lack of Christmas notes aside, this B version may stem from a once complete version and may be of no particular significance.

The C version contains the complete text to , includes some substantial paragraphs not found in other versions, and is divided into two classes of manuscript according to the company they keep. The first of these, represented by its earliest manuscript Paris, BnF lat. It omits the reference to the Avars. ARF, ed. This is also known as the Annales Tiliani. The D version survives in a fragment in Leiden of s. The codicological context alters the emphasis and message of the text itself. The implications of this suggestion merit fuller consideration than is possible in this chapter.

Ibid, pp. Some can, and reflect local perceptions of the past, but that is another story. I have in the past followed Halphen in regarding the Annales regni francorum as an original composition on which other annal texts drew, or could have drawn, and I am still of that opinion. The role of the Annales regni francorum in supplying information seems clear and has acted as one means of associating groups of annal texts, that is, several appear to use the same stem text of annal entries.

These could include administrative documents, letters, and knowledge and gossip acquired by word of mouth at political or legal assemblies, in relation to the movement or armies, or disseminated by messengers, missionaries, pilgrims, merchants, ambassadors and other travellers. See, for example, McKitterick, Perceptions, pp. Innes, State and society in the early middle ages: the middle Rhine valley — Cambridge, , pp.

The Codex epistolaris carolinus witnesses to the efficiency of the palace archive, with letters dating back forty years. Yet this collection of papal letters is also part of the same historical endeavour of those close to court circles and even the king himself to preserve historical records.

It is a distinctive historical collection of correspondence concerned with the recent political past. Firstly, are there any indications in the text itself of sufficiently distinct changes of style to posit a change or changes of authorship? Neil Wright, for example, has identified a certain peculiarity of style, including a propensity to finish sentences with a compound perfect form of passive verbs, that seems to pinpoint a change of author between and Are there other differences in the earlier sections of the text to indicate similar changes?

Roger Collins has offered the observation that up to and including the year the writer makes frequent use of the word tunc and all references to the ruler are relatively elaborate, employing such formulae as Domnus Carolus gloriosus rex and Domnus Carolus benignissimus rex, after which the simpler rex becomes standard. Collins notes the use of the formula Domino adiuvante or Domino auxiliante up to This view was corroborated by Adams, whose meticulous study of the vocabulary in the annals identified many instances of words foreshadowing Romance forms in the section up to Adams further proposed that the author of the first section of the original annals was someone of Germanic or Frankish origin, or at least.

Codex epistolaris carolinus, ed. Gundlach, pp.

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See F. I have also benefited from B. Facsimile edn, F. Unterkircher ed. Secondly, what is striking about the account of the years —? I have commented elsewhere that I think that there are many efforts in the post entries to keep alive themes addressed in the earlier sections, notably the interaction on the part of the Franks with a host of non-Franks. This needs, however, to be explored in further detail, as does the sympathy between the earlier and later sections of the text, if one thinks of the preand post portions. The account of these years may have been produced in the reign of Louis the Pious.

I turn therefore to the possible changes of author and how significant they might be. I shall then consider the account of the years — more closely. The Annales regni francorum and its authors Two striking features of the Annales regni francorum are its apparently habitual recording of where the king spent Christmas and Easter and the formula Et inmutavit se numerus annorum in before the next date is supplied.

Where this is not the case needs to be noted. Further, the beginning of the year could be reckoned from or after Christmas, or from after Easter despite its being a moveable feast , so whether an annal entry includes the record of where the king spent Christmas of that year and the Easter of the following year needs also to be registered. Manitius, M. Jahrhunderts Munich, , pp. See also J. The next year entry, however, starts with Easter at Frankfurt on 23 March and then also includes Christmas in and Easter on 12 April Between and Christmas and Easter of the following year are recorded, while between and Christmas is noted as the end of the year with Easter noted in the next year.

A further peculiarity is that the annal entry for the year ends with Christmas in Rome, but the following entry, for , starts with Christmas in Rome. For the four years from to , only Christmas is recorded, and for Easter and Christmas of the same year are recorded, that is, with Christmas coming at the close of the year. After some other differences occur, in that for the years , , , , —22, —5 and , winter is noted but not the liturgical feasts. In , however, Easter and Christmas are in the same calendar year.

The formula for the change of the year between and remains Et inmutavit se numerus annorum in. In addition to the register of Christmases and Easters and the end-of-theyear formula, different emphases in subject matter are apparent, such as the record of military campaigns.

These occur in the following years: —4, , , , , , , —4, —8, —89, , —, , — For the years , , —6 it is placitum; for , , , , , , , , —8 and it is synodus, and in and it is placitum again. The reports of legates and embassies from foreign rulers to the king before are mostly concerned with initiating or following up campaigns, except in and In these years diplomatic visits with presents brought by the legates are mentioned. There are many such gift-bearing embassies from onwards.

Similarly, the receipt of foreign news and of events in Italy, the Balearic islands, Rome, Constantinople, Ireland and elsewhere occurs from In the entry for there is a full account Explicit attention is paid to the production of written records or the palace archive in the entries for , , and , and the reports about the king going hunting are included in the accounts for , , , and The overlapping of different interests and categories evident in this survey is clear.

There are many signs that the continuators of the first section made every effort to preserve the original formulaic phrases and conventions of subject matter. Some of the changes in emphasis may well be attributable to actual changes in the character and emphases of the reign. After there were fewer campaigns. As we have seen, there is the change of styling in the year running from Easter to Easter to one from Christmas to Christmas. This may indicate a change in Carolingian understanding of the course of the year, perhaps accompanying the interest in computing and consequent compilations of Encyclopaedias of time between and There is also a certain coincidence of changes in terms of categories of subject matter from onwards which might suggest a new author taking over.

In , as recorded above, there is the beginning of references to astronomical and meteorological phenomena. There may be a case for another change for the section —17, because of the wealth of detail about eclipses. Other indications of a possible takeover of the narrative at. See below, p.

Butzer and D. Lohrmann eds. In and in , for example, Christmas and Easter at Regensburg are repeated, so that the entry for has four feasts celebrated, rather than two. Incidentally, the Revised Version tidied this into one visit and described the presents Froia brought in some detail. Such repetition happens again in the entries for and with reference in each to the same visit of the legates from Abd al-Rahman, the ruler of Al-Andalus. From , as indicated in the survey above, there is occasionally the more personal association of the author with Frankish success.

Kurze, pp. In this he told her about the three-day fast and litanies on the Avar campaign which are also recorded in the Annales regni francorum, and asked her to see to the performance of further litanies, presumably at Regensburg. This codex was compiled at St Denis during the abbacy of Fardulf, abbot of St Denis and former capellanus. Berndt ed. Mainz, , I , pp. ARF , ed. Compare also MGH Conc. For a general context see M. Bachrach, Religion and the conduct of war, c.

MGH Epp. Differing explanations for the inclusion of the Cathwulf letter and incidental references to the Fastrada letter are offered by M. On the manuscript see also D. The other letters, apparently gathered together by the recipients, comprise letters from Pope Stephen II and Hadrian to Abbots Fulrad —84 and Maginarius — It was, after all, where Pippin III had been educated and where he and his RVARF , ed.

See A. See H. Fuhrmann ed. Christ Driving the Money Changers out of the Temple. The Marriage of Cupid and Psyche. Oil on canvas, 85 x cm. Portrait of Bianca Ponzoni Anguissola, the artist's mother. Eine Karg und andere Segler bei auffrischendem Wind. Christ on the Cross with the Virgin and Saint John.

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The Victory of Charlemagne over the Avars near Regensburg. Portrait of Christian the Younger of Brunswick Landgraf von Hessen-Kassel. George the Pious Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach. Kunsthalle Hamburg Berlin State Museums. Tyrolean Landscape with Spruce Trees and a Waterfall. Kunstsammlungen Chemnitz private collection. Schleuse bei Pompeji. Ein Freilichtmaler mit Sonnenschirm. Half figure of a girl with a yellow wreath in her hair.

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