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Gold medal. D Colomb y del Peru," rev. As reproduced in Christie's, New York. New York, May 18, , p. Taken from M. Mexico: Olivetti, , p. XIII e. Carlos Deustua Pimentel. Oil on canvas, x cm. Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, , pl. Banco Central de Reserva, Lima. Riou after Paul Marcoy. The Atelier or Studio of the Raphael of the Cancha. From the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean.

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Saya ajustada, ca. Colored lithograph, 19 x 13 cm. Private collection, Lima. Bathers in Chorrillos, ca. Oil on canvas, Oil on canvas, x 89 cm. Museo Nacional de Historia, Lima.

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El Mantequero, n. Watercolor on paper, 22 x 16 cm. Watercolor on paper, 29 x 23 cm. Museo de Arte de Lima. Gouache, 31 x The Delaroche Atelier. As reproduced in W. Self-Portrait, Pencil on paper, 20 x 15 cm. Inhabitant of the Cordilleras of Peru, Oil on canvas, x 90 cm. Signed, lower left, 'F. Portrait of Gonzalo Pizarro, one of the most famous conquerors of Peru, brother of Francisco Pizarro, Oil on canvas, 58 x 76 cm. Viena: Imprenta Imperial de la Corte y del Estado, , pl.

Delamare, based on a photograph by M. From Mariano F. Paris: Fermin Didot, , pl. Justice, Oil on canvas, x 86 cm. Palacio de Justicia, Lima. Photograph by Daniel Giannoni. Flying Figure, ca. Charcoal, pencil, and pastel on paper, 28 x Preparatory drawing for the "Portrait of Gonzalo Pizarro," ca. Pencil on paper, 30 x 47 cm. Pencil on paper, Preparatory drawing for the '"Portrait of Gonzalo Pizarro," ca.

Black and white chalk on paper, Pencil and chalk on paper, Self-portrait, ca. Oil on canvas, 72 x 58 cm. Present location unknown. Francisco Laso in Indian Dress. Photograph on paper mounted on cardboard, Preparatory photograph for the "Haravicu. Indian Woman Spinning, ca. Pencil and charcoal on brown paper, Italian Peasant Woman Seen from the Back, Pencil on paper, 30 x The Concert, ca. Preparatory Drawing for The Concert, ca.

Ink drawing on grey paper, 31 x Recruitment, n. The Three Races, ca. Oil on canvas, 81 x cm. From a copy of the original photograph in the collection of J. Haravicu, n. Pascana in the Cordillera, n. Oil on canvas, x Club Nacional, Lima. Indian Encampment, n. Preparatory drawing for a Pascana, n.

Sowing, n. Pencil and pastel on paper, El Ateneo americano, no. Arab Chiefs Telling a Tale. Salon of As reproduced in Robert Rosenblum and H. Janson, 19th-Century Art. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. Oil sketch for the Haravicu, n. Oil on canvas, 27 x Figure carrying a load, n. Pencil and charcoal on paper, Preparatory study for the Indian Encampment, n.

Preparatory study for the Pascana in the Cordillera, n. Otero, An important aspect of Laso's work is of having been the creator of the indigenous theme in national painting. He paints him [the Indian] with all the pride of he who is the last expression of a fabulous past of seigniory and splendor, as he thought it should be. Otero, "En el taller de Laso, una visita emocionante. I, no. In effect, between the colonization of Peru in the 16th century and independence from Spain in the 19th century, Andean painting did not produce any significant representation of the Indian.

This is not to say that no visual representations of people of Indian ethnic or racial status exist prior to the 19th century. However, the portraits commissioned by members of the local Andean nobility during the colonial period, or the rare representations of Indians among urban crowds in some colonial paintings, do not qualify as representations of Indians. Colonial Andean nobles created their portraits as members of a native elite, the paintings were signs of privilege and symbols of power which in fact differentiated them from the masses of Indian commoners.

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Moreover, these paintings, as portraits, represented specific, identifiable persons and, instead of inscribing their subjects within a particular ethnic group, served to further individual lineages and names. The modern representation of the Indian which Laso inaugurates marks a rupture precisely because it presents the Indian as an anonymous representative of an ethnic group. In this sense it could be argued that Indians appearing in urban crowds in colonial painting should be considered precedents to modern representations of the Indian.

This definition of his importance within the history of Peruvian painting places Laso at the beginning of a history of representations. In being hailed as the first "Indigenist" painter,4 he is presented as the initiator of a pictorial tradition which in the 20th century would come to gain momentum in the Indigenist movement. Yet the aim of this dissertation is not to cite Laso as a precursor of Indigenism. Laso did not initiate a movement nor did he spawn imitators.

Between the time of his death in and the beginnings of Indigenism as a movement in the early 20th century lie three decades of Peruvian painting in which the Indian was a largely absent figure. I argue here, however, that many of the most important elements of modern Indigenism appear for the first time in Laso's works. My purpose is to determine the historical ruptures and conditions that allowed the Indian to become the central figure in Peruvian society, that permitted a socially marginalized and exploited mass to become the most significant representative of the Peruvian nation.

Although I will demonstrate that certain crucial changes occur in Creole 3While the term Indian is usually capitalized in English, other ethnic terms such as White, Creole and Mestizo are not, and I have found no consistent explanation for this convention. I thus capitalize ethnic terms equally in order to emphasize that they are all abstract categories. This dissertation is necessarily monographic because Laso's works are exceptional, not only within Peru, but also in a broader Latin American context.

The facts of Laso's biography, his social status, his artistic education, his participation in a specific intellectual group, and his geographical displacement between Europe and America explain the early emergence of a kind of representation that can only be called "Indigenist. Indigenism is rarely defined systematically, but it has become a shorthand for a complex series of social, political, and cultural nationalist movements which emerged at the turn of the century and reached their apogee during the s and s.

Defined as a social movement, modern Indigenism has been analyzed primarily through political and economic history, the focus of which is the emergence of the social vindication of the Indian. This way of interpreting Indigenism reflects the prevalence of economic and political history and the relative marginalization of cultural history in Peru. In the context of this continuity, the literature on Indigenism has differentiated modern Indigenism from earlier political vindications through its intensity, and in literature through its degree of realism. Escajadillo's erudite study of Indigenist literature is the most recent example of this kind of realist argument.

See Narrativa indigenista peruana Lima: Amaru, However, they evidently respected him as an artist. What I wish to trace is the emergence of a particular mode of Creole discourse that defines the nation through the idealization of the Indian, and to define the place of this discourse within the broader context of an hegemonic nationalist mythology. In literary studies a distinction is usually made between a sentimentalizing and exoticizing vision of 19th-century writers, labeled Indianists, and the more "realist" and politically committed Indigenist writings of the 20th century.

For lack of better terms, in this dissertation I also draw a distinction between Indianism and Indigenism. Cornejo Polar also defines Indianism as a "romantic Indigenism. As I hope to show, 19th-century Indianism was no less politically oriented than any of its 20th century counterparts. Indianism here refers to any defense of the Indian based on social and political vindications. Indigenism may incorporate Indianism, but it is primarily defined by the discourse of authenticity emerging from romantic nationalism.

While Indianism does not depend on the idealization of the Indian and its culture, Indigenism values "Indianness" as an ideal and hypostatizes the Indian into a symbol of the nation. Thus, overt racism appears more frequently within Indianist discourse than it does in Indigenist texts. Because certain movements within early 20th-century Indigenism emerged as a regionalist contestation of Lima's hegemony, many have attempted to define Indigenism as a regionalist movement. Indigenism may sometimes be used in regionalist vindications, but it also transcends them, for as I argue here, although Indigenism may take the form of regionalism, it is primarily an elite discourse which transcends political geographies.

Thus, unlike some accounts of the origins of Indigenism, I see it developing in large urban centers and in particular in Lima. Nevertheless, I do not characterize Indigenism simply as a manner of viewing the Andean region from an urban perspective, to paraphrase the title of one of the most recent books on the subject. It is both a myth, in Roland Barthes' sense,12 and a particular rhetorical strategy. This definition explicitly contradicts functionalist accounts of Indigenism which view it as the product of a specific class, whose political and economic interests it is said to represent,13 while at the same time it serves to de-emphasize the specificities of particular disciplinary discourses.

See Mythologies, trans. See especially his essay "El indio: heterogeneidad y conflicto," in La novela indigenista. Although based on late-colonial images, the modern definitions of the Creole and the Indian emerge only after independence. The problems encountered by elites in their attempts to define a Creole identity lie at the heart of the construction of the modern image of the Indian. Yet the Creole-Indian dichotomy does not represent actual social groups but symbols through which a national identity is constructed in discourse.

This dichotomy pervades the national imagination; Peruvian history is reduced to the encounter of Spaniards and Incas, and even the country's geography is symbolically charged by this opposition. The three "natural regions" into which the country is traditionally divided, the Coast, the Andes, and the Amazon, are in effect largely dichotomous, for the Amazon has never been part of the national imagination, it is figured as an empty frontier zone and thus remains culturally insignificant. Indigenists negotiate a pre-existing dualism in Peruvian society.

For him, Indigenism reflects but does not actively construct the national dichotomy. In attempting to cover the entire history of Peru since the 16th century, Orlove ignores historical specificity and even accuracy and sacrifices his avowed theoretical intentions in favor of general description. I argue that the national dichotomy is a creation of the intellectual elites of Laso's generation, one which is traditionally blamed for virtually all of the social and economic problems besetting modern Peru.

As the story goes, by ignoring Peru's social problems, alienated and Europeanized elites betrayed their historical role as nation-builders and failed to construct the ideological and economic foundations for the Peruvian nation-state. Basing their wealth on the export of raw materials, speculating on the guano boom and pillaging state resources, they failed to form the capitalist bourgeoisie that would have placed the nation on the path of industrialization.

Thus, the disastrous war against Chile of , in which Peru, unable to offer a unified defense against the foreign armies, lost a large part of its territory, has become a symbol of the failure of early republican elites. Rosay, : However, though now couched in the language of positivism and anarchism, post-war intellectuals simply perpetuated the national imagery constructed by the intellectuals of Laso's generation. The failure of the political project of mid-century national elites obscures the success of the images of the nation which they helped to construct.

The consolidation of the Creole state at mid-century, made possible by the guano-based economic boom, produced the first consistent attempt to forge a national constituency through vast educational projects partly based on the publication of government-subsidized textbooks on national archaeology, history, and geography. Thus, during Laso's lifetime the Indian became the focus of a wide array of old and new disciplines and discourses: philologists studied Andean languages, archaeologists rediscovered Inca ruins, writers produced the first Indianist novels, and jurists and politicians tackled the everpresent "problem of the Indian" through a liberal rhetoric at odds with a neocolonial reality.

The dualistic image of the nation which these intellectuals constructed, remains, even today, the natural image of the Peruvian nation. The specific associations and the political implications of "Indianness" and "Creoleness," as concepts, changed significantly since the nation begins even with independence. The theme of national failure could in fact be characterized as a national intellectual tradition. Titled "Impresiones del Ccoscco," this exhibition is considered the first important manifestation of modern pictorial Indigenism.

The cover of the catalogue fig. As synthesized in Sabogal's catalogue, the Peruvian nation is composed of a virile and dynamic Andean element, presented in a "modern" style, and a weak and feminine element described through a more restrained style associated with the past. Thus the Indian and the tapada become emblems of "Indianness" and "Creoleness" and summarize, through a simple opposition, the image of the Peruvian nation. This dualism pervades most writings on Peruvian history and in particular those of Indigenist advocates. While during the 19th century the Mestizo has no significant representation,19 the growing demographic presence of the Mestizo population during the 20th century forced Peruvian intellectuals to confront the issue of social mestizaje.

With the adoption by Peruvian writers of the Latin American discourse on mestizaje in the early decades of the 20th century, it appeared as though this dualism would finally be superseded. Yet this did not occur, for mestizaje rarely produced a perfect fusion, and the Mestizo became the synthesis of only two elements, the Indian and the Creole. Recently, revisionist studies on the wars of independence, peasant rebellions, and on the economic history of Peru have contributed to expanding our knowledge of this important but forgotten period of Peruvian history.

Unfortunately, the same has not occurred within cultural history, which, save for a few scattered studies in literary history, remains largely unexplored. This is partly the consequence of the emergence of dependency theory during the s, which looked to the 19th century only in search of the origins of neocolonialism and underdevelopment. Historians studied the insertion of the Peruvian economy in the international capitalist system, debated on the existence of a national bourgeoisie, and tried to explain the paradoxical economic failure of a Peruvian state enriched by guano exports.

The emphasis on economic issues effectively relegated cultural and intellectual history to the superstructural margins of Peruvian history. Thus there is still no history of Peruvian nationalist ideology or of modern racism, only few studies of elites and ethnic identities, and no specific histories of the emergence of archaeological and anthropological discourses, or of 19th- century Peruvian painting, architecture, or sculpture. However, I am aware of the limitations which the lack of specific histories places on the issues discussed here.

At some points discussions of particular discourses and histories may seem overdone, obscuring rather than illuminating Laso's works, but they all emerge from questions and problems posed by the paintings themselves. Moreover, I attempt to ground all of the more general discussions around issues concerning Laso's life. Although the broad outlines of Laso's biography were established in early writings, this dissertation offers new information and documents previously unfounded statements about the artist's life.

However, I do not attempt to analyze here all aspects of Laso's pictorial and literary production. I focus mainly but not exhaustively on those works which deal directly with the theme of the Indian, and I exclude from consideration most of Laso's religious paintings and portraits.

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It begins with late colonial and early republican debates on the Indian and the constitution of the Peruvian nation, and then, following the course of Laso's biography, it attempts to establish the manner in which these early images survived the specific political junctures in which they originated, becoming an integral part of Creole ideology during the rest of the century. While new images and stereotypes on the Indian begin to emerge at mid-century, they do not cancel out, but rather incorporate previous images and discourses.

As I attempt to show in Section I, Indigenist discourse, though self-avowedly opposed to Indian 25I exclude from consideration many of Laso's paintings dealing with Indian subjects. However, many of the issues surrounding this painting, including the problem of Indian oral traditions and the theme of melancholy, are discussed in Chapters 7 and 8 of this dissertation, in relationship to Laso's Pascana series. Section II analyzes the way in which the status and role of painting changed at mid-century, allowing new representations to emerge, and traces the development of a new Creole identity in the modern discourse of criollismo, and its representations in visual and literary costumbrismo.

Laso's early formation as an artist developed in the context of Creole costumbrismo, and this genre greatly influenced his pictorial and literary production. However, Laso also formed part of a generation of intellectuals that attempted to break with the tenets of costumbrismo, and to construct an alternative vision of Peruvian society. In this section I also describe the manner in which the paintings were discussed in the French criticism of the Universal Exhibition of and the difficulties encountered by painters like Laso in creating a national painting in international contexts.

Francisco Stastny rightly defined Laso as precursor of the contemporary Peruvian artist, caught in the dilemma of participating in European culture and simultaneously feeling alienated from that tradition. Thus Laso's paintings for the Universal Exhibition engaged the issue of national art as part of a broader discussion, facilitated by international demands.

The discourse of cultural authenticity emerges as the crucial element that binds together Creole representations in a Peruvian and an international context. As a painter, writer, and statesman, Francisco Laso spoke from a variety of positions and his statements are defined in form and content from the position from which he speaks. Ebooks and Manuals

Section IV presents a history of Laso's activities as a writer and politician after his return from Europe in Laso gradually abandoned painting during this period to become one of the most important figures of Peruvian national politics of the s. This section offers an opportunity to present the various ways in which the Indian is figured in different discourses, and I analyze the image of the Indian as it appears differently in Laso's writings, paintings, and political activities.

I argue that a professional painter like Laso perceived painting as a marginal activity within Peruvian society. Lima: Museo de Arte, July : n. As I define it, Indigenist discourse is structured through a specific rhetoric, it is a mode of address. Section V, "The Rhetoric of Approximation," analyzes the manner in which literary, archaeological, legal, and other discourses on the Indian are structured through a similar rhetoric of approximation and simultaneous distancing to an unchanging and hypostatized "Andean world.

Recent research has tended to emphasize that Indian communities were not disassociated from the political structures of the Creole state, and that in fact they often participated actively in national struggles. Stern, ed. Thus, while explicitly addressing the issues of the creation of the image of the Indian, this dissertation necessarily traces only a history of Creole nationalist ideology, for it rests on the assumption that it is the very instability of Creole identity that constructs certain images of the Indian, and that it is the Creole need to fix social and ethnic boundaries that in large part determines these representations.

Soon Peru was to 1The issue of the artist's date and place of birth has been extensively debated. Although most of his conclusions are correct, Flores Araoz insisted in identifying Laso's birthplace as the town of Yaquia, in Tacna. The confusion about his place of birth derives from a misspelling of Tacna in the catalogue of the Paris Universal Exhibition.

The anarchy and chaos that ensued left little hope that Peruvians could consolidate independence from Spain. The new leadership, composed mostly of Creoles emerging from the middle and upper sectors of colonial society, took over the political void left by the mass migration of colonial authorities and other Spaniards living in Peru. They were faced with the daunting task of creating a new political order and of organizing, almost from scratch, the future face of the Peruvian nation.

Few texts better convey the "extraordinary and embarrassing dilemma" posed by the wars of independence on the Creole leaders who 2The best summary of these events is John Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions, , 2nd ed. New York and London: W. But we hardly preserving a vestige of our former state, neither Indians, nor Europeans, but a race between the original natives and the European Spaniards; being by birth Americans, and our rights those of Europe, we have to dispute and fight for these contending interests, and to persevere in our endeavors notwithstanding the opposition of our invaders; so that we are placed in a most extraordinary and embarrassing dilemma.

It is a sort of prophecy to say what line of policy will be finally adopted by America. But the new power structure must also seek its own legitimacy, for it can no longer be based on a pre-Columbian past which is beyond retrieval. In the presence of the "original natives," the issue of political legitimacy becomes the crucial factor in the constitution of the new Creole states, for it implies that Creole power is somehow spurious and illegitimate. This rigorous edition offers most of the 19th-century versions of this important text. Of the many available versions of this text, first written in , I cite the earliest published version, as it appeared in a Jamaican newspaper in During his lifetime Laso would not only witness but help in the construction of a new representation of Peru, a process which involved the assimilation of new concepts of the nation, and the social groups which comprised it, into a society that was not significantly different from that of the colonial period.

The present chapter traces the history of early Creole Indianism by analyzing the manner in which Creoles first attempted to construct the basis of the Peruvian nation-state. On the one hand, it was a long-standing process, dating from the earliest moments of conquest, of Creole fights for power within the colonies. It evolved out of a growing resentment against the political privileges and commercial success of peninsulares Spaniards born in Spain. Curacas thus held an ambivalent position as representatives and protectors of Indian communities and necessary aides of the colonial administration in the control of the native population.

During the late 17th century, but especially during the next century, Andean curacas exerted a growing political and symbolic presence in Peruvian society, coming to form what John Rowe has called the "national Inca movement" of the 18th century. Francisco Stastny has used Panofsky's notion of "disjunction" to describe the transformation of motifs and artistic media that defined this Inca "renaissance.

La figura y la palabra, ed. Stastny himself indirectly relates these images to 20th-century Indigenism in "El indigenista y sus fuentes," in Museo de Arte de Lima, Sabogal y el grupo indigenista, exh. Lima: Museo de Arte, : n. This is a common prejudice, which has pervaded much of the literature of the s. Moreover, neo-Incaism was not circumscribed to any particular region, least of all to the Andes. The revived power of the curacas as a social group emerged during one of the most conflicted and unstable periods in colonial history, marked by a cycle of peasant rebellions.

Many Creoles participated in the early stages of the revolt, although they retreated in fear when they perceived they could no longer control the violence the insurrection unleashed. A great number of curacas, on the other hand, actively participated with colonial authorities in repressing the insurrection.

Cummins points to the curacas' differentiation from the Indian population while emphasizing their oppressive role in relation to the communities they represented. Rolena Adorno y Kenneth J. The most comprehensive review is Stern, ed. Whatever the true motivations and interests behind the rebellion, it is this interpretation which was to become crucial in the succeeding decades and which, in large part, defined early Creole nationalist ideology.

Colonial authorities thus reacted swiftly in the aftermath of the rebellion to prohibit such displays and to limit the power of this native aristocracy. Areche ordered that all paintings representing the Incas be destroyed, but his prohibitions extended to almost every aspect of Incaist representation, from portraiture to dress and music. Areche was attempting to erase a historical memory for, he claimed, Incaist symbolism only served "to remind them [the Indians] of memories that do nothing but influence them and induce more and more hatred to the dominant nation.

Lima: Editorial Arica, : I, pp. The social and political vacuum created by the dispersal of this Inca renaissance came to be increasingly filled by the colonial administration and an important sector of the Creole bureaucratic elite. Far from withdrawing in fear, as traditional historiography would indicate,15 the Creole undertook an offensive against the curacas.

The power of the native elites, however, had been gradually undermined even before the rebellion. During the lateth century Creoles and Spaniards progressively take over the functions of traditional curacas in Indian communities. After the rebellion, this process received official sanction with the abolition of hereditary cacicazgos and the increasing appointment of Spaniards and Creoles to the post.

Thus, in spite of Areche's prohibitions, Incaist imagery did not disappear from Peruvian society after the rebellion. Heraclio Bonilla et. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, : II, p. II, pp. The poem begins with the first Inca, Manco-Capac, and follows the established succession of Incas and their deeds, ending, in the final section, with Huascar and his death at the hands of Atahualpa.

Edith Palma Madrid: Aguilar, : Rather, they are encouraged by "their" Inca to accept the power of Spain. The idea of the Incas is thus used to legitimate, not a continuation, but a rupture with the pre-Columbian past.

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The final lines of the poem recall the conquest, the arrival of the Catholic faith to Peru, and an eulogy of Spain. Yet the invocation to the "Peruvians" must not be taken as a form of differentiation or separation from Spain. As in Larrinaga's writings, most Creole uses of Inca symbolism in the aftermath of the rebellion were not an assertion of a form of Creole "nationalism," separate from Spain, but rather a manner of following official policy and filling a political void within the colony.

These movements also saw the political potential of Incaism, its power to legitimate their projects and to gather popular--and in particular Indian-- support. As O'Phelan has demonstrated, if during the late 18th century, Creoles had been incorporated into a number of curaca-led rebellions, the situation was inverted in the early 19th century. In the latter, Creoles only sought the support of the curacas after they had asserted their leadership and defined the aims of the rebellion.

Originating in the colonial middle sectors which would later gain prominence with independence, Benito Laso is prototypical of early republican leaders. Laso apparently moved to Tacna where, in October , he joined the group of rebels who, under the leadership of Antonio Rivero, subdelegate of Arica, declared political independence from Spain and allied themselves with the Junta of Buenos Aires. After the rebellion was crushed, Laso was deported to Puno, where he would continue his political activities. Laso remained imprisoned in Puno for two years, after which he was confined to Tacna.

During the following years, until the arrival of General Miller to Tacna in , Laso apparently engaged only in covert political activities. His declaration of legal equality of Indians and the abolition of Indian tribute were strategically staged against the backdrop of the ruins of Tiahuanaco.

It is not surprising that much of the Incaist rhetoric produced by Creole writers should have been framed by ancient ruins. Toledo, that name of ignominy, may thus God confound him in Avernus. Tupac Amaru, Sairitupac Incas, Say tyrant, what fault did they commit in Princes being born, in what did they offend the ambition of Charles the first? Their innocent existence, their disgrace were for the Cruel Iberian crimes. You have given them death as villains, and to the King proclaim of rebellion prey.

Peruvians; oh! Cry with me, and in mournful choir the eternal vengeance of the Most High God against the fierce Spaniard let us ask together certain, for a moment, of achieving it. This Incaism can only be grafted with difficulty onto that "Andean utopia" created during the s by Alberto Flores Galindo and Manuel Burga as a myth of national proportions. Their elusive and all-encompassing "Andean utopia"--which includes all kinds of political resistance over periods covering centuries and holds under the same category both Indian peasant movements and official ideologies--is supposedly posited on the "return of the Inca and the restoration of an Incaic monarchy.

The poem is here cited as being written in More than a way of forging "collective identities," as Flores Galindo and Burga contend, Creole Incaism served as a political tool. What will ultimately be enacted in elite or official Incaism is the topos of death, of an order that has been terminated and which can only be retrieved in the form of an archaeology, of the unearthing of fragments.

As in other Latin American countries, the "Black Legend" of the Spanish conquest of America, which had occupied a very small place in earlier stages of Creole patriotism, now came back with force. As in earlier stages of Creole Incaism, the Inca appears as a validating force for Creole writers. XVII, no. See especially Alberto Flores Galindo, Buscando un inca. For example, while Incaism had been an important part of Benito Laso's writings prior to Peruvian independence, it completely disappears from his later essays.

The ease with which Incaism disappeared from elite discourse in the decades following independence testifies to the fact that its use rested primarily upon political expediency. The curacas had claimed political power through the legitimacy which their--real or alleged--descent from the Incas had offered, and Creole patriots had attempted to appropriate that legitimacy through their appeals to the Inca empire.

But both the aristocratic pretensions of the curacas, together with the monarchic aura which surrounded the idea of the Incas, had become anathema within the new ideals of liberal republicanism. The Incas continued to appear in Creole writings, theatrical and poetical productions, and in painting, but they no longer carried any direct political weight. My argument reverses her interpretation that Creoles found it easier to deal with the Inca past than with the contemporary Indian. After the declaration of independence, the Peruvian state would officially become the owner of pre-Columbian monuments.

The state's mostly symbolic appropriation of the ancient ruins was declared on April 2, , when an official decree was issued proclaiming that the ancient monuments of Peru were the property of the Peruvian nation because "they belong to the glories that derive from them. Creoles returned to the period of conquest to denounce abuses against the 39See the collection of documents published by Julio C. The idealized Incaic past was confronted with the Indian's present misery. The stereotypes did not change, only their causes. Now it was the Spanish system which had caused the stupidity, backwardness, and present dejection of the Indians.

The image of the Indian crying on the ruins of a glorified Inca past summarizes the extents and the limits of early forms of Creole Indianism. The image of the enslaved Indian became a staple of early nationalist writings and iconography in most of Latin America. In Cuzco in , the city struck gold and silver medals in honor of the Liberator. The oppressed Indian functioned allegorically as an image of oppressed America, which the Liberator had saved.

As a generalized abstraction, the plumed figure served as a common symbol with which all social groups in Cuzco and, more broadly, in the rest of Latin America could identify. The Indian population, however, will continue to be defined as the victims of centuries of oppression. Creole paternalism emerges with force in order to justify Creole tutelage of the Indian population. This view came to be formed from the earliest moments of independence. The most radical of the liberal Peruvian newspapers, El Diario Secreto of could state: The degrading humiliation and the abandonment in which the Indians were buried, and in which they still remain, does not allow for the restitution of their ancient dominions, for they would be incapable of government or of keeping themselves; paternal care and an education of many years are needed in order that they may at least recuperate and assert their rights as men in society.

The blame for the Indian's suffering is placed squarely on the Spanish monarchy, but the consequences of oppression and degradation will justify this early form of Creole Indianism. The Indian's abject state annuls any possibility of self-determination or of the creation of an autonomous Indian state. By presenting the Indian as a defenseless, brutalized, and spiritually exhausted race, the Creole can represent themselves as redeemers. A new form of paternalism came to supplant the tutelary laws of the Spanish legal system. Writing in , Laso defined the Peruvian Indians in the following manner: The indigenous caste, that numerous and unfortunate portion of our territory, which under the paternal government of the Incas was the most innocent race to have been seen on earth, acquired since then that blind and apathetic submissiveness, which has been, and will continue to be for a long time, fatal to the progress of civilization.

Colonial domination seems to have annihilated in them that instinct through which savage man aspires to preserve the dignity of his species. The paradox of late colonial and early republican forms of Indianism is that they are asserted always through a necessary degradation of the Indian. For example, in denouncing the exploitation of the Indian population, Creoles often evoked the image of the Indian as a beast of burden, thus immediately associating them with animals. Reduced to a state of servility, the Indian masses could now only remain under the tutelage of the Creole state.

The image was partly justified.

In spite of the political disturbances caused by caudillo factionalism, no Indian rebellions emerged to threaten Creole power during the first decades after independence. Yet the strength of the image of the victimized Indian defined Creole responses to both of these rebellions. The state did not immediately respond with a military offensive, attempting first to dissuade the Indians through peaceful means. In the letter he expressed his conviction that Indian leaders were being misguided by a small number of foreign i.

Spanish leaders who persisted in their attempts to undermine the Peruvian nation. In fact, in the aftermath of the rebellion, only non-Indian participants were accused and punished. Patrick Husson surmises that republican justice believed generalized repression of the province did not justify the persecution of individual Indian leaders, that the state's perception of the Indian population as a collective mass did not allow for prosecution, and that the fear of exacerbating social tensions kept the Peruvian state from prosecuting the Indian population.

Husson also wonders whether the paternalist vision of republican justice, which did not consider the Indian as a legally responsible individual, allowed for corporal punishment outside the legal system. This kind of response to Indian rebellion would prove to be enduring.

Story of Texas being retold, reconsidered

In the Southern Cone countries and the United States, the Indian was presented as a menace to society, as the very image of barbarism which needed to be eradicated for the sake of civilization. In 19th-century Peruvian literature, the sexual union between a White man and an Indian woman is usually characterized as an abuse of Creole power, of a violence committed against the native population. The passive and impotent Indian is never involved in sexual offenses, for he poses no outright threat to Creole power.

It would only be with the bases of the Constitution of that the Peruvian nation would receive its first official recognition in its modern sense, as a sovereign, self-governed, and distinct territorial unit. Modeled on the French and North American precedents, and informed by the Spanish liberal constitution of Cadiz of , all of the early Peruvian constitutions were of a marked liberal tendency, emphasizing equality and individual rights. The egalitarian ideals which were unanimously imposed on Peruvian society directly subverted the corporatist structure of colonial society, where special laws governed different social groups.

Liberal republicanism demanded that society submit to a single code of law, a fact which determined the eventual abolition of military and ecclesiastical fueros and Indian tribute. The institutionalization of economic liberalism also opposed the collective ownership of land which affected Indian communities.

Elites envisaged the gradual incorporation of the Indian into an integrated society. For one, the Indian was declared a "citizen," a definition based, not on ethnic or cultural traits, but on universal individual rights. While Indian integration was envisioned by early republican leaders, the 19th century has been described as the century of "Indianization," a period during which the Indian population of Peru not only remained stable, but actually increased. The above account simplifies the complexities of social change in 19th-century Peru, yet it highlights the tensions between an official discourse which openly embraced change and a practice which in fact denied it.

The reasons for the overwhelming adoption of liberal ideals in the early republican period is difficult to assess, except for the fact that such a discourse became a new source of legitimation for Creole leaders. As one of the most important figures in the consolidation of the new Peruvian state, the case of Benito Laso may again serve to illustrate this point. Like other republican leaders, Laso rejected the aristocratic pretensions and privileges associated with colonial society, and he never again used his full name Benito Lasso de la Vega.

Yet the rejection of certain aristocratic elements did not necessarily imply a simultaneous rejection of other forms of social prejudice, and in particular of a long-standing history of racial discrimination. The contradictory nature of this Creole republicanism is also reflected in the stringent authoritarianism which surfaced in the years immediately following independence. Laso wrote: The diversity of castes is a kind of gangrene which prepares disintegration, if from the beginning it is not neutralized against the rude and ignorant ideas of some, the false knowledge of others and the opposing interests of all.

The government of peoples must be one, and to it must submit, in agreement with the laws which are nothing but the bond which firmly unites the parts of the political body so that it does not dissolve. However, the Supreme Government which is at its head, must distinguish between those which can concur with preference to its safety and splendor. The state, in Unanue's perception, retains the right to choose and select among the citizenry those individuals who will constitute the ruling class.

Empero, el Gobierno Supremo que forma la cabeza, debe distinguir aquellas que concurren con preferencia a su seguridad y esplendor. Outspoken expression of prejudice in the years following independence only slightly affected official policy, which, ruled by a humanitarian egalitarianism, would never endorse overt discriminatory policies.

On the other hand, it would have been surprising that a weaker Creole state should have been able to enforce segregation when the more powerful colonial state had failed to do so. University of Wisconsin-Madison, : Elite prejudices against the castes reflect the still prevalent Hispanic prejudices defined by purity of blood. In order to pursue claims to a title of nobility or to a career in the public service, a person had to prove his status of purity of blood. Yet this principle did not only refer to racial purity, for one was also required to satisfy other qualifications, such as proving that one's ancestors had not engaged in any of the manual professions.

After centuries of cohabitation, the frontiers between the two republics came to be significantly blurred. The castas, people of mixed cultural and biological origins, became an ever increasing category, thus threatening the very foundations on which the colonial state had been constructed. Buenos Aires: Editorial Nova, : vol. Originally the term had been used only in America, for in Spain the term "indiano" was used to designate all persons born in America. But Creoles rejected the label because it associated them with the Indian population. Yet a "clean" racial ascendancy was not sufficient.

On the one hand, being nursed or suckled by an Indian or a person of color was enough to transmit racial impurity and even moral characteristics;60 while the very climate of the New World was said to darken the Creole's skin. In order to disassociate themselves from the other castes, Creoles insistently favored the designation "American Spaniard," and attempted to hide whatever other ascendants could taint their genealogies. The expansion of racial mixtures, along with increasing acculturation seems to have caused a state of generalized doubt among all sectors of colonial 60Julio Caro Baroja, Las formas complejas de la vida religiosa.

Ensayos sobre el criollismo colonial en los Andes, pp. In fact, the difficulty in distinguishing between the different races was perceived as a widespread social problem during the late colonial period. Citing court records in which witnesses were called upon to testify about a person's racial status, Sarah Chambers shows how contradictory these identifications could be. As Chambers has shown for the case of Arequipa, although a person's caste status was usually assigned in tax records and parish registers, racial categories were often avoided in such official documents.

She cites a letter to the King of Spain written by Bishop Gonzaga de la Encina in Arequipa in , in which the problems surrounding racial classifications are directly put forward: [This] classification is odious to the parish priests, since having been ordered by the courts to do it, the priests found themselves obliged either to tell the truth or to lie. If they did the former, all those who judged themselves to be Spanish citizens, not being such, believed they had been insulted, and they rose up against the priests, they insulted, scorned and slandered them.

If the latter, it weighs upon their consciences. In Mexico, Creole obsession with racial classification in fact produced an entire pictorial genre. Created originally for foreign markets, the series of late 18th-century caste paintings testify to the classificatory impulse of the late 18th century and to the European Enlightenment interest in collecting knowledge of the different regions and races of the world.

Yet even this series was created for a European audience. Mestizo girl. Mestizo woman. Mulatto woman. Mulatto girl. Mulatto father. Mulatto Requinteron girl. From Spaniard and Mulatto Requinterona, White. White people, From practically pure blood. Automobile Salvage Automotive Tune Up Brake Repair Car Auctions Car Body Shops Car Brokers Car Buyers Car Dealers Car Inspectors Car Wash Classic Cars Driving School Junk Car Dealers Motorcycle Dealers Motorcycle Repair Motorsport Vehicle Oil Change Stations Others Parking Professional Service Registration Services Roadside Assistance Serivces 6.

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