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Tarrow identifies three illustrated in Fig. The Internet and mass media create the path of non-relational diffusion between people with no ties, this is especially the case in virtual communities. According to Tarrow, this type of diffusion triggers a theorization or abstraction of the claims ibid. These paths of diffusion are not mutually exclusive, on the contrary, they often appear simultaneously and are actually more successful in combination. New York: Cambridge University Press p. Although diffusion is inherently in scale shift, Tarrow sees these processes operating on different axes: diffusion on a horizontal level simply needs an initiator and an adopter; and scale shift Fig.

Beyond the process of diffusion, scale shift entails the notion of target and claim shift and sometimes identity shift, which will best be explained with the frame theory later in this theory chapter. The Framing of domestic claims in the face of external eyes is crucial and can define the success or failure of a movement.

They legitimate a social movements and seek to resonate with people and motivate them to participate Johnston and Noakes, It cannot be taken for granted the interest from individuals abroad in domestic claims, therefore, a claim has to be framed in a way that it appeals to a broader audience Bob, Snow et al. But frames do not always have to be transformed to appeal to transnational audiences, they usually are just extended or broadened. Snow and Benford also talk about master collective action frames. They are very powerful umbrella frames to which several movements can appeal because they are part of a major cycle of protest Tarrow, that operate around an ever spreading cultural value.

The human rights frame could be an example, since movements such as the indigenous, the anti-neoliberal, the global justice, the feminist and the gay movements often draw in to human rights values to gain transnational support. Actually, movements addressing human rights violations, have proven to be very effective in mobilizing international allies, because of the wide spread understanding and value of human rights globally Hawkins, Especially attention and support from supranational institutions such as the EU and the UN can be very interesting for domestic activists.

That is, access to external institutions is another form of collective action that helps materialize the support from abroad. Institutions like the UN, ECJ and other commissions have proven in the past to be cooperative through treaties, creating commissions, reinforcing international law etc. Actually, direct action is very common in social movements because it is one of the most explicit forms of protest, attracts national as well as international attention and can even give way to institutional access.

We have learned about diffusion, scale shift and externalization processes, but a notion that represents those connections between domestic actors and external allies is still needed. London: Cornell University Press. Keck and Sikkink studied the factors that more likely trigger the emergence of transnational advocacy networks and the issues that best travel transnationally. This blockage would be identified by political opportunity theorists as opportunity structure or political context that promotes transnational strategies.

This is because notions of right and wrong arise stronger feelings and therefore more solidarity ibid. Since the interpretation and strategic use of information is crucial for the effectiveness of campaigns, it is one of the most important jobs of Advocacy Networks to frame the issues in a way that it resonates with common ideological commitments and values. Ironically, transnational advocacy networks help institutionalize the norms, while at the same time the wide spread of the norm helps create and expand the transnational advocacy network, it represents a reinforcing cycle.

According to Keck and Sikkink , international networking is costly; geographic distance, difference of cultures, language gaps, and costs of air travel and other communication forms represent a burden to the creation, spread and maintenance of international networks. Nevertheless, in the past decades these costs have been dramatically neutralized by the development of relatively cheap communication technologies, the influence of multiculturalism, cheap air travel and especially the boom of the Internet and social media.

It will be looked into the role of the Internet later on. This is most obviously the case in human rights campaigns.

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New York: Cornell University Press, p. While this model was developed specifically to conceptualize the case of the Ayotzinapa movement, it could further be adapted to fit other movements as well. The colours portray different spheres and processes. The orange area represents the country in conflict divided in state and civil society. Examples of domestic violations from the state, that is the nature of the conflict, are shown in red and the domestic reactions from the civil society in orange again. Instead of NGOs, the advocates are put under the umbrella-term of civil society, since civil society includes actors with any degree of organization, from individuals to well- established NGOs.

On the other side, the international community is portrayed also divided in states and civil societies. These actions will attract more attention from the media and international organizations, and bring pressure to bear on their own states, which will hopefully translate into political pressure on the target state. The paper will look at repertoires of contention in both sides of the process as well as the motives for participation and possible outcomes. It is still too soon to determine major changes in the behaviour and policy of the Mexican state. Due to cheap communication technologies, such as the Internet, diffusion of information and scale shift has become easier and faster Tarrow, Bennett, an enormous amount of people can gain access to information, communiques and the media within seconds.

But the use of the Internet is not limited to diffusion of information. Online social network platforms have become a new public space Crossley, Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Blogsites, etc. It facilitates several forms of participation, through online petitions for example, and it especially facilitates organization. Particularly for transnational advocacy networks, the Internet is a tool with which they overcome geographical distance barriers.

Nevertheless, the mere existence of the Internet and the facilities it provides us, does not explain the successful transnationalization of local claims and the external participation collective action. Case Analysis After the theoretical framework was set and relevant processes and concepts were discussed, we can now dive into the specific analysis of the Ayotzinapa Movement in Mexico.

First an insight into the Mexican history will be offered in order for the reader to grasp the political and social context in which the sentiments that lead to collective action were brewing. A summary of the outburst will be given so one can grasp the context and nature of the conflict and understand how simple outrage turned into a protest movement. Then the paper will look at the local movement and forms of protest applied within borders. Then it will be explored how the international civil society absorbed the help call and their forms of response, as well as the motives and dynamics for participation in collective action.

Although still a monarchy, this introduced the principle of social equality for all social and ethnic groups. It was the start of Mexico as a project towards democracy. This was a major contribution to the universal constitutionalism and the later emergent human rights movement. Even though the Constitution attempted to institutionalize democracy by eliminating the right for re-election, and stating basic freedoms, Mexico faced a dictatorship-like — questionably civil elected — government, during the 20th century, dominated by the Institutional Revolutionary Party PRI and also underwent several atrocious episodes completely antagonistic to the constitution.

The Dirty War was also called the Low Intensity War because it was characterized by repressive practices and rather selective violence against political opponents. The most substantial and famous event of the Dirty War was the massacre of Tlatelolco. This massacre became a symbol and sad reminder of the immense repression and political violence the Mexican people was going through. There were little, or only delusive remains of the democracy declared in the constitution. Even though there were civil elections, their legitimacy and the trust in electoral institutions was low. Since decades, there has been a feeling of numbness, a perception of normality towards an environment that would be completely unacceptable in other countries: torture, forced disappearance, violations of indigenous communities, organized crime, corruption in the highest political levels and press censorship was common place.

It is important to highlight the press censorship that is so common in Mexico. Frighteningly, Mexico has since the reputation of the deadliest country for journalists21, more than have been killed since in connection with organized crime but with also state agents Additionally there have been cases of highly popular journalists who questioned the government and soon where displaced from their jobs — the most recent and popular case being that of Carmen Aristegui This represents a burden for objective journalism and therefore the truth. The government having control over the media has pushed the Mexican population to look for alternative sources of information, which at times have also raised questions of legitimacy.

Ich bin ein Zapatist - Doku-Reihe "Fremde Kinder" - Mexiko (3sat)

Especially the poor who lack access to alternative media in general have been subject of manipulation. The illegitimacy of the media gives in these cases of crisis, like the Ayotzinapa case, special importance to the reports made by NGOs since they are considered legitimate and independent and are often the only reliable source for international actors with the power to intervene.

The Zapatista movement started off as protest to the neoliberalist reforms that the Mexican state was undertaking and fought for indigenous rights. But the Zapatista Movement is widely known by social movement theorists for being the pioneering movement in transnational collective action. They built up an astonishing transnational advocacy network that encompassed solidarity groups all over the world and thousands of agents that regularly monitored the situation of indigenous and human rights in Chiapas.

This made them also known for their strategy of digital transnationalization. Their skill of mobilizing people globally was always admired and became subject of research for numerous scholars. In only 4 Human Rights NGOs existed in Mexico, after 7 years there were 60 and in they were already more than Keck and Sikkink, ; They aim to raise money and borrow buses to attend a demonstration in Mexico City to mark the anniversary of the 2 October Tlatelolco massacre of unarmed students. At around 9pm that night, municipal police violently confront the students at different events throughout Iguala town.

The authorities open fire against them. State and federal police, as well as the military, witness the attacks without protecting the students; it is not yet clear if they had a more active participation. The events lead to the extrajudicial execution of three students and three by-standers that night. The relatives of the 43 students declare them disappeared. But due to the mistrust in the Mexican state, the parents of the disappeared students insist in bringing in a group of forensic experts from Argentina to participate in the investigation.

A clandestine grave with 28 bodies was found on the hill of Pueblo Viejo known as mass grave area , which is located near Ayotzinapa. This episode only underscores the reality of the Mexican struggle with violence, organized crime and impunity. On the 8th October the first large-scale demonstration was held in Mexico City. This also provoked a massive outrage from the parents of the disappeared students and the rest of the population, they felt lied to.


Still, there are no answers for their families. It is worth explaining briefly where the 43 missing students, also called Normalistas, came from and the symbolic value of the Normal Rural School of Ayotzinapa. But it is not just any school. Teens that attend a Normal school are mostly children of peasants, it is actually a requirement to come from a very poor family, nevertheless, these students are usually the most brilliant in their communities and are seen as making a step up in status and opportunities by attending a Normal school. Of teens that apply, only get accepted. These students are respected by the community because hope lies in them that they will make important contributions to society and social transformation.

Especially the Ayotzinapa Normal School is characterized by the strong revolutionary ideologies and challenging attitudes towards the government and the neoliberal system, attributed to the students. The school has cultivated the challenging and independent way of thinking and old traditions of leftist activism. But because of this revolutionary spirit, the normal schools, and especially the Normal School of Ayotzinapa have been under scrutiny, struggling with the lack of support, underfunding, boycotting and even hostility from the federal governments, very often coming to violent encounters between the police and the students.

See Fig. How could one concrete case of 43 individuals mobilize so many people almost instantly? In short: Why did it resonate? This question can be answered based on three elements Political opportunity, framing, and existing advocacy networks: Political opportunity theorists hold that the mere existence of grievances is not enough to explain engagement in contentious politics McAdam et al, , people need to be conscious of these grievances and need to perceive and identify the opportunity of change Tarrow, The continuous events that exposed and embarrassed the Mexican government before the international eyes put it in a position of vulnerability, jeopardizing potential economic cooperation and business.

This political opportunity gave the population a window of hope and encouraged them to stand up to the authorities, going round repression now that the whole world was watching. This displays the plurality of the Ayotzinapa movement, which can be a threat, since tensions may arise between the diverse identities and interests, but in this case proved to be an opportunity to mobilize a bigger part of the population including a broader social strata. The protest within borders took many forms.

Without going too much into detail, one can say that their repertoire of contention was extense and varied, maybe precisely because of the diversity of people and groups being mobilized. But after not getting any results they quickly engaged in traditional forms of direct action, such as manifestations first in Guerrero and then in several cities around the country. Continuous small scale and large scale demonstrations were held in several cities in Mexico, especially in Guerrero and the Capital.

The parents of the missing students and the Normalistas organized themeselves in Caravans to visit most states of Mexico to spread their claims and call for national action. On the 5th and 20th of November tens of thousands of people organized through social media and marched in Mexico and all around the world. Some protests even turned violent. Demonstrators put fire on public offices and the States Palace, damaging the image of an intended peaceful movement. Rioting, confrontations involving tear gases, rock throwing etc.

Our common sense tells us that we have to do something, we, all of us. A picture, a poster, whatever, spread stuff in the social media, a cartoon against the state, whatever works. Or better say, everything together is what makes the work. At this point the reader should remember that the processes of transnationalization do not have a progressive character, happening one after the other. They can, and do in this case, take place simultaneously and continue in parallel.

Both traditional and online media played a major role as non-relational diffusion41 channels about the outbreak and the normalistas' protests and were extremely important in spotlighting the issue and thus inhibiting the government from acts of repression. Within days, students, scholars, writers, celebrities, sport idols, artists around the country and the world where expressing their indignation and solidarity towards the missing normalistas' parents.

At the same time, the outrage spread out in an astonishing speed around the world through online social networks. Every day, dozens of new videos were uploaded to platforms such as YouTube and Facebook exposing the aggression from the police and incompetence of state actors to solve the problem, many of which became viral within hours.

Existing virtual communities42 Bennett, helped foster the information flows across borders. At this point, the high amount of Mexican emigrants that maintain relational ties with their acquaintances in Mexico through the internet plus potential brokers from existing transnational advocacy networks play a crucial role in the diffusion of contention as well, but the analysis will go back to these groups in the next section.

The success of the process of diffusion facilitated the coordination43 of groups around the world, which represented the kick off of a swift shift in scale of the movement. The global action call became for them a conventional form of protest, since they have called for more than a dozen days of global action for Ayotzinapa throughout the past year. The biggest was probably on the 20th November in which reportedly 33 countries and cities around the world participated Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara.

Additionally, their use of existing transnational advocacy networks will be explored. The problem of repression and incredibility of the state lead the activists to look elsewhere for support. These foreign institutions represented for the protesters a more reliable source than domestic institutions within Mexico such as the PGR. So, in consequence to that initial lie, […] their credibility collapsed. The most cost-effective way to go beyond borders was through the Internet. In social network platforms the number of groups and virtual communities devoted to update information about the Ayotzianapa case was growing exponentially.

Their contribution is important in a way that it appeals to a global audience using a wide spread language and providing a quick and compact package of information that enables to understand the situation in Mexico. It is an explicit call for attention and a call for action. But the call for transnational collective action in the Ayotzinapa movement did not limit itself to spreading information through the Internet nor creating webpages or virtual communities devoted to the movement. In addition to the persistent requests to talk to intergovernmental institutions such as the UN47, the normalistas applied a strategy that is rarely seen in movements but proved to be very powerful: they organized Caravans, constituded by normalistas and parents of missing students, and travelled to the United States48, Canada49, several countries in South America50 and Europe The face-to-face mobilization gave the movement a very special value and contributed greatly to the externalization of the claim.

Caravans all over Mexico were nothing compared to the efforts of going around the globe: travel costs, time, scattered attention, insecurity, risk of detention, culture and language gaps etc. But these efforts are needed to create lasting solidarity networks and build a strong advocacy network, and the parents were willing to make these efforts with the hope to find their children. The Caravans not only intended to diffuse information, they demanded the clarification of the case and encouraged the civil society to pressure their governments to constrain the Mexican government to do so.

In sociological terms, the goal was not only the diffusion of information, which is inherent for any transnationalization process, but also to externalize their claims and create an advocacy network that would pressure their own governments, which would in response pressure the Mexican government. Why we say YaMeCanse. Our premise is that the governments are accomplice, their mistakes, their faults overlap.

That is, they are more interested in economic treaties that the respect for human rights, even though they boast in their speeches that they care about human rights. The Zapatistas are regarded among scholars worldwide as one of the most successful cases of transnationalization Olesen, It has been of great interest for social movements scholars how the Zapatistas reached such a broad public, how they skilfully managed to sow a sense of Zapatista identity in people from many different cultural backgrounds and how they used the - by that time very novel - tool of the internet to weave a tremendous transnational advocacy network, spread their claims and attract international attention.

Actually, transnationalism is a very, very Zapatista thing. Zapatism understood that, maybe as the first social movement in Latin America and perhaps in the world, it understood also the digital transnationalism The EZNL army has been present in every mass demonstration there has been, and they have stood next to the normalistas as advisors. And there is one more legacy the Zapatistas left that proved essential for the Ayotzianapa movement: the transnational advocacy network they had built.

It has to be mentioned that the movement found such a strong echo thanks to the transnational advocacy network that exists by now, half a century ago this would have been unimaginable. But now that we are turning to the advocacy network abroad, let us explore the other side of the same coin: the response from the International Civil Society. The Internet played a big role in the diffusion of information across borders and in consequence, the first substantial response that could be observed from the international civil society was in form of cyberactivism.

This first form of response is rather but not only individual and does not need a high degree of organization or coordination.

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It consists, firstly, of further diffusion of information. Individuals abroad serve as brokers and trough posting or re-sharing information, videos, pictures, petitions etc. Second, they engage in virtual collective action for example signing online petitions to the Mexican government or on-line letters to intergovernmental organizations. This requires a certain degree of organization from the movement leaders, but not from the individuals who decide to sign.

Third, there was an impressive wave of expressions of solidarity from all over the world. Is plurality always a guarantee of successful and rapid mobilization and those claims not easily clinged to master or global frames doomed to stay local of even fail? Or to what extent is the active framing of a movement entrepreneur comparable to active marketing from an economist perspective? Along these lines goes one of the author's main suggestions for further research.

There has been a lot of research about processes of mobilization, including frames transformation, use of resources etc. But little focus has been placed to the origin of these processes, and for that scholars have to give enough attention to movement entrepeneurs. It could have a big impact in future movements, their strategies and their outcomes. An impact that this study tried to achieve, although superficially and in small scale, by pointing out the factors that influenced the transnationalization process of one successful case, the Ayotzinapa movement.

When we speak about the Ayotzinapa movement as a successful case, it is meant the successful or far reached process of transnationalization. When it comes to the impact and the outcome it becomes more difficult to measure. One can assess wether transnational collective actions have a symbolic impact - for example through solidarity expressions through social media -, and indirect impact - as information monitoring has on the overcoming of repression - or a more tangible and direct impact - through the changes in arms trade agreements for example.

But it is very difficult and yet too soon to identify changes in governmental attitudes, policy changes or even structural changes and let alone track them back to a certain action strategy. This view could then only be explained with the notion of solidarity, and while it is essential, it alone is not enough to bring about large mobilizations.

Having critically assessed the model, one can safely say, that dividing the process of transnationalization into parts was helpful to visualize and make sense of a very complex, multilevel and interrelating process. And I dare to recommend its use as a tool for the analysis of other similar cases. Due to the scope of this paper and the difficulty in assessing the impact on a political level, it deepened only in the relation between domestic activists and potential international advocates from the civil society.

I suggest that further research should dig into the direct relation between those grassroot advocacy groups and their respective states to have an insight into the direct impact of their actions and potential of translating into political pressure. It has vastly criticized the political reality, argued from many different perspectives the illegitimacy of the official investigation and has proved over and over again how Ayotzinapa is not an isolated case, but an emblematic one, and they have done a great job.

But I argue that academic contributions should now shift to identifying possible solutions and the potential of now existing resources and networks. Nevertheless, this contribution will need to be constituted by interdisciplinary approaches. The analysis has tried to shed light to the process of externalizing claims of the Ayotzinapa movement and point out the strength of the international civil society in organizing themselves, responding to and internalizing those claims.

This study has not analyzed the transnational advocacy network exclusively from a structural perspective — as in previous analyses about the Zapatista case - but from a micro perspective, trying to understand the reasons for people outside borders to engage in collective participation. Even though this analysis makes it sound like mobilization can easily be translated into political pressure, it is not. Sovereignty is still a widespread value in international relations, but recent studies have found ongoing global shifts that point to the rise of human rights values and in consequence the legitimation of humanitarian intervention and actions.

The research question has been answered throughout the analysis, and while there are numerous factors that influence the process, one can conclude, that the strongest determinants were the recognition of political opportunities, a master frame that could encompass many different claims and resonate with a wide population, and finally, a pre-existent transnational advocacy network, which immediately responded in a variety of ways. It proved the skill and creativity of movement entrepreneurs to mobilize people and institutions transnationally.

But most notably, the Ayotzinapa Movement reflected the Mexican entuthiasm and colossal desire to fight for the government they deserve. Oxford: Blackwell. Social Movements an Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. KECK, M. Activists beyond borders: Advocacy networks in international politics. New York: Cornell University Press. MARX, G. Collective behavior and social movements: process and structure. Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice. New York: Routledge. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

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New York: Syracuse University Press. SNOW, D. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. The New Transnational Activism. Contentious Performances. Social Movements Colorado: Paradigm Publishers. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, , pp. Towson: Cultural Sociology, Vol.

Ya Basta! Nash and A. Scott , Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. The making of a global movement: cycles of protest and scales of action. Oxford: The Sociological Review, The Transnational Zapatista solidarity network: an infrastructure analysis. Contentious Repertoires in Great Britain, An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements. New School: Social Research, Vol. Adreina Nash Invisible children Aristegui Noticias 13 Nov. Pew Research Center 27 Aug.

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Forbes Amnesty International 23 Sept. HRW 07 Nov. The Guardian 20 Sept. El Universal 28 Jan. Amnesty International 06 Sept. Brown Political Review 20 Oct. Vice News 09 Oct. Vice News 23 Oct. Latin Correspondent 30 Apr. Ayotzinapa caravan to the United States. Ayotzinapa caravan to Canada. Ayotzinapa caravan to South America. Ayotzinapa caravan to Europe. BBC Trending 09 Dic. CNN 17 Nov. The World Bank 08 Nov. El Economista 08 May. SinrostroTV 23 Nov. BBC Mundo 06 Sept. Was ist die Natur des Konflikts? Wer hat darin teilgenommen? Was sind eure Informationsquellen?

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  • Wie ist die Eurocaravana zu stande gekommen und wieso? Welche Antwort wird von der internationalen Gemeinschaft erwartet sowohl auf der Ebene der Zivilgesellschaft als auch auf politischer Ebene? Was hat man mit der Caravana erreicht bzw. Was hat dich motiviert, um in der Bewegung Teil zu nehmen? Welche Rolle spielen die internationalen Organisationen?

    Was halten Sie vom Cyberaktivismus zugunsten der Bewegung? Y mucha gente va a simpatizar con nuestra demanda. I: Mhm. I: Claro. Entonces, lo mismo que supieron los padres de familia, o sea que no eran sus hijos los 28 cuerpos, pues lo supo todo el mundo. Cuando lo toman pues ya es demasiado tarde, ya hay muchas cosas que ya no van a poder saber y si las supieron pues no las van a dar a conocer. Por lo cual no pudieron. No lo lograron. Vienen con su peliculita ahora, pero, al parecer no lo van a lograr.

    Mucha gente estaba pendiente del caso. En Estados Unidos hubo manifestaciones de congresistas, de varios estados que se manifestaron duramente. I: Mihm. Como Hugo Morales entre otros. El Vaticano mismo hizo algunos comentarios.

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    A pesar de que alardeen en sus discursos, todos, de que les interesan los Derechos Humanos. Tanto mexicanos como no-mexicanos. I: Okay. Muy bien. O sea, yo veo un movimiento que se va a mantener. Pero no importa, creo que empezamos solos y si terminamos solos pues, ese no es el problema. Dejemos los egos, las envidias, dejemos de ponernos a incadillas entre nosotros, hay que construir. Oscar Thomas Olalde O Date: No, no creo que se pueda hablar de eso, sino de grupos sueltos, no? O, pocos, pero siempre ha habido algunos, no?

    Tu pregunta era sobre los eventos. Eso hubiera sido en diciembre del Y eso fue en abril si no, si no me equivoco, el I: Claro No se puede. Esos son temas muy fuertes. Es decir, me parece que, o sea, no me parece que la estrategia no haya funcionado. Porque se mezclan, ehm, se mezclan desde luego.. Yo creo que es impensable. Simplemente nos mantenemos informados y cuando surja algo no juntamos.

    Creo que eso ya no va a ser. Wir waren so zu sagen als Gruppe innerlich darauf, so zu sagen, schon programmiert, eine, irgendeine Veranstaltung zu machen was jetzt nichts spezifisch Chiapas betrifft, was normalerweise so unser Thema ist. Ah, genau, und dann war das irgendwie logisch, dass ich da Teil nehme.

    Und, ja und dann hat die Geschichte ja ihren Lauf genommen, und das kennst du dann eh. Also, also in der Bewegung. Also was siehst du ist irgendwie diese Natur des Konflikts? Von der Bewegung in Ayotzinapa. El municipio de Tlapa? I: Tlapa. Und das ist auch in dieser Gegend, und die haben dort, vorher schon, immer wieder Informationen gehabt, wenn wir so institutionelle Treffen hatten, wie schwierig die Situation in Guerrero ist, und dass es eine sehr explosiven Stimmung ist, dass es diesen Kontext ganz ganz stark gibt von Gewalt und, und so weiter, und wie wir ihn eigentlich auch gekannt haben von Chiapas.

    Jetzt wo du das angesprochen hast, ehm, was sind denn eure Informationsquellen? Hier zu Ayotzinapa haben wir eigentlich die gleichen Informationsquellen benutzt wie das Kollektiv selber auch. Also wir haben uns ja irgendwie gegenseitig informiert. Und das ist aber dann wieder storniert worden bzw. Wo die Leute dann gekommen sind. I: Genau. Eine die vielleicht weniger besucht war, was ich sehr schade fand, war das W. Und das hat sich dann aber irgendwie doch so ergeben, also auf den Aussendungen stand da dann als gleichberechtigter Programmpunkt drauf und im Nachhinein betrachtet hat das eigentlich wirklich gut gepasst weil wir dann, wir hatten nicht viele Informationen zu den Film und im Nachhinein betrachtet haben wir dann gesehen, dass es wirklich ein zutiefst politischer Film gewesen ist, der eigentlich sehr gut dazu gepasst hat.

    M: Von uns meinst du? Welche Leute? Welche Art von Leuten? Also was beobachtest du so? I: Stimmt. Also die in erster Linie vielleicht auch hingehen wegen, gar nicht so sehr wegen der Sache selber, sondern wegen einer Person die dort irgendwie engagiert ist im Kollektiv oder so, aber dann drauf kommen, dass das eigentlich eine interessante Thematik ist. Also, eine.. Ich glaub das ist auch so ein Thema was die Leute verstehen an vielen Orten, ja? Ja, verstehe ich.

    Du hast vorhin das Thema Medien angesprochen, was, welche, welche Rolle spielt denn das Internet in der Diffusion von Information und auch der Organisation der Bewegung oder der Gruppen? Also, man bekommt am Tag zehn Aufforderungen irgendwo mitzumachen, oder irgendwas zu unterschreiben, ob das die Wahlen in der Antarktis sind I: [lacht] oder ob das die, ob das irgendwie eine Geschichte in Asien ist oder in Afrika oder in Lateinamerika, und.. M: Ja. Ja, ja. Das gibts ja in der Liebe, aber I: [lacht] ich glaub das gibts im sozialen und politischen Aktivismus auch.

    I: Ja. I: Ja, ja. Also speziell auch in dieser, glaube ich, in diesem sozialen Aktivismus. Oder was siehst du so? Also dieses Netzwerk was sich entwickelt hat. Und das allein finde ich schon gut, I: Mhm. Dieser Individualismus den man uns versucht, so zu sagen, dauernd weis zu machen, und.. Oxford and New York: Berghahn. Although practice theory has been a mainstay of social theory for nearly three decades, so far it has had very limited impact on media studies. This book draws on the work of practice theorists such as Wittgenstein, Foucault, Bourdieu, Barth and Schatzki and rethinks the study of media from the perspective of practice theory.

    Drawing on ethnographic case studies from places such as Zambia, India, Hong Kong, the United States, Britain, Norway and Denmark, the contributors address a number of important themes: media as practice; the interlinkage between media, culture and practice; the contextual study of media practices; and new practices of digital production. Collectively, these chapters make a strong case for the importance of theorising the relationship between media and practice and thereby adding practice theory as a new strand to the anthropology of media.

    By using different case studies, the lecture aims to highlight the importance of ethnography in understanding media phenomena. This report focuses only on those workshops I attended during the conference. Warde derived from engaging in specific media practices in different sociocultural settings. Introduction to the workshop by Daniel Miller. This session explores topics ranging from how digital technologies become part of everyday life to their role in the development of new infrastructures within both commerce and the state.

    How can anthropology engage with media practitioners and in e. Presentations have been requested that reflect upon the practicalities of engagement. Discussion in the latter part of the session will consider the development of anthropological training in the light of these experiences. Reichweite und Fokus indigener Medienproduktionen sind dabei ebenso unterschiedlich wie politische, technische und infrastrukturelle Rahmenbedingungen.

    Welchen Einfluss haben neue Medien auf traditionelle soziale Strukturen? Is an anthropology of the internet possible? If so, what would it look like? I will attempt a provisional answer here, building on my book about the consequences of the digital revolution for the forms of money and exchange. People, machines and money matter in this world, in that order. Most intellectuals know very little about any of them, being preoccupied with their own production of cultural ideas.

    Anthropologists have made some progress towards understanding people, but they are often in denial when it comes to the other two; and their methods for studying people have been trapped for too long in the 20th-century paradigm of fieldwork-based ethnography.

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    I do not advocate a wholesale rejection of the ethnographic tradition, but rather would extend its premises towards a more inclusive anthropological project, better suited to studying world society, of which the internet is perhaps the most striking expression. For sure, we need to find out what real people do and think by joining them where they live. But we also need a global perspective on humanity as a whole if we wish to understand our moment in history.

    This will expose the limitations of the modern experiment in the social sciences — their addiction to impersonal abstractions and repression of individual subjectivity.