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Time has come to lift relationship to the next level
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  1. British Cycling confirms departure of endurance coach Heiko Salzwedel - Cycling Weekly
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  3. Heiko Salzwedel returns to British Cycling in Rio Reshuffle

And it is also very important to me that we keep the borders in Europe open. Schengen stands for the freedom enjoyed by the people of Europe. Every day, 1. Sixteen million EU citizens live in another Member State, where they work, are retired or attend university.

Final DCL Race in Berlin 1on1 Heat Heiko Schenk vs Young Rok Son

And we Europeans cross an internal Schengen border an inconceivable 1. There are no customs, passport checks or barriers. Yes, we need to do more to protect our external borders, but we must never relinquish the freedom we have achieved in Europe! We cannot turn back the tide of time!

Foreign policy is the third policy area in which the EU must demonstrate greater unity and strength. That was a quotation. However, it was not said this year, but rather in a speech given in by Willy Brandt, who was German Foreign Minister at the time. It seems that our analysis has not changed in the past 50 years. But the world is incomparably more complex today than it was at the time of the Iron Curtain.

All of this shakes the certainty that we and the US are allies in the fight for multilateralism and a rules-based world. Naturally, the US remains our closest foreign and security policy partner outside the EU. However, it is time to readjust the transatlantic partnership — not with the aim of abandoning it, but rather to preserve it in a changed global situation. We need a new balanced partnership with the US. Where the US Administration overtly calls our values and interests into question, we certainly need to take a more robust stance.

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British Cycling confirms departure of endurance coach Heiko Salzwedel - Cycling Weekly

The first test of this approach will be the nuclear agreement with Iran, which we Europeans want to defend with determination, not to support Tehran, but rather to prevent a nuclear arms race in the Middle East — something that would also have devastating consequences for our own security. This can only be achieved if we join forces with France on a very wide range of issues. Under President Macron, France is finding the strength to undertake important reforms and has made far-reaching proposals on the future of Europe. It is perfectly clear to me that we can only respond to this in the affirmative.

We do not need to reach agreement on every last detail right at the start of the debate, but given the uncertainty in transatlantic relations in particular, it must be absolutely clear that we are working hand in hand. This does not mean we are at the helm and dictating the course for other Member States. We see ourselves as a motivating force that is working resolutely to further Europe.

If Berlin and Paris find the courage to work far more comprehensively together on economic, financial, energy and security issues than they have in the past, I firmly believe that others will follow suit. This will create a new momentum for Europe as a whole. And only in this way will we come closer to achieving the aim of greater European strategic autonomy.

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Ladies and gentlemen,. We agree with the US on the fundamental values of liberal democracy. In other parts of the world, however, authoritarian regimes are gaining ground. Europe must finally react to this, not by turning a couple of screws in the Brussels apparatus, but by changing its own mentality. We need greater courage, ambition and willingness to shape foreign policy. One could also say that we finally need to become capable of conducting foreign policy. Such an institution could define the framework for a coherent strategic EU foreign and security policy. After all, the world is not going to wait for Europe to finish discussing its structural issues.

I mainly see one way for us to become more capable, even this year, of taking foreign-policy action. This would entail ending the curse of unanimity, which often leads to policies based on the lowest common denominator. I thus suggest that the European Council defines the first areas that can be decided immediately by a majority vote and that it do so as soon as possible. Those who claim this means we are relinquishing sovereignty are mistaken. After all, who seriously still believes that a European country can achieve its national goals in any foreign-policy conflict of global dimensions on its own?

Be it Iran, Ukraine or Syria, the answer to such conflicts is always the same — Europe must act as one. Creating stability in our neighbourhood must be the priority for European foreign policy. That goes in particular for the countries of the Western Balkans. If the EU does not manage to make headway in the accession process with these countries, there will be fatal consequences. For a long time now, other powers — Russia, China, Middle Eastern countries, that is, states with completely different notions of order and stability than those held by us Europeans — have sought to fill this gap.

Naturally, EU accession is contingent on countries meeting clearly defined criteria. The focus is on liberal democracy and a functioning state based on the rule of law. Some countries have made good progress. Albania has also made significant progress by carrying out impressive judicial reform.

That is why I expressly support the conditional opening of accession negotiations with these two countries. We also need a new Ostpolitik, that is, a European Ostpolitik which shows new ways to cooperate with Russia in the interests of all Europeans given the dangerous silence between Washington and Moscow. However, this new Ostpolitik must also reach out to Eastern Partnership countries such as Georgia and Ukraine, which are as European as we are in how they think and feel.

It must take into account the needs of all Europeans — those of the Baltic states and Poland, as well as those of the western countries. And it must find a balance between security interests, economic cooperation and collaboration in fields such as culture and academia. Furthermore, we need a joint EU policy on Africa, one that no longer defines the continent merely as a recipient of development aid or an exporter of crises and migrants.

Africa does not only want development aid — it wants a real partnership. And when we vote, we will be guided more than before by European policies, which we want to draw up with our EU partners. As well as the courage to unite, the EU needs the right instruments to put these policies into practice. Part of the new transatlantic reality is that we need to take on more responsibility for our own security. We need a real European security and defence union. We have made progress on defence structures thanks to Permanent Structured Cooperation.

But further steps are essential. And we should also offer the United Kingdom a chance to join this initiative despite Brexit. That will cost money, but investing in equipment is certainly not the same as rearmament. As set out in the coalition agreement, this must go hand in hand with increased spending on all forms of diplomacy, ranging from crisis prevention to cultural understanding. It is obvious that European foreign policy can only ever be a policy of peace, as no conflict can be permanently resolved by military means.

Civilian crisis management must thus always be at the heart of European foreign and security policy. We are supporting governance in Mali, helping to train security forces in Somalia, and fostering the establishment of law and order in Iraq. But we first need to find, train and support the experts we need for these things. We want the EU to be able to do this on its own in the future. The Federal Foreign Office will continue firming up the details of these key issues in the coming weeks and months. My goals are detailed work plans for a balanced partnership with the US, a new European Ostpolitik and the establishment of a sovereign and strong Europe.

As a native of Saarland, I come from a region that was contested for a long time between Germany and France. My grandmother lived her whole life in the same town — in the same street, in fact — but held five different passports over the course of her life. My generation was spared such upheavals.

The fear of nuclear weapons

I grew up with a feeling of peace, a spirit of reconciliation and a sense of freedom. I am part of the Interrail generation. In the summer when I was 17, I travelled all over western Europe by train. Democracy, the rule of law and human rights — much of what was once taken for granted by my generation is now being called into question again. And once more, we need to learn how to respond to this and not merely be passive bystanders. That is why Pulse of Europe is so wonderful. It has brought tens of thousands of people out on to the streets.

They are not frustrated, angry individuals. Instead, they are filled with optimism and have a positive message to share. This enthusiasm about Europe does not come about on its own. And that is why we should create more events and opportunities for people — especially young people — to meet.

One example would be a European Youth Day, when young people from all Member States would meet, celebrate, talk and experience the similarities and diversity of European culture.

I am certain that the Schwarzkopf Foundation Young Europe would be keen to get involved in this. Estonia has already developed this type of online tool and I am certain that our Estonian friends would be happy to share their experiences with us. This last point in particular — more political debate — is important to me. Europe is about more than harmony and friendship between nations. It is also about politics, which means debating opinions democratically and across borders.

We also need a new form of politicisation in order to overcome the polarisation caused by the new form of nationalism we are witnessing. All of these are highly political questions. German, French or any other national positions are not the issue here — competing political ideas are the issue. We cannot abandon these elections to nationalists and populists who are incapable of compromise.

Heiko Salzwedel returns to British Cycling in Rio Reshuffle

We thus need to use the crises in and expectations of Europe to bring about a constructive type of politicisation. Where there are no debates, the electorate lacks orientation. When voters have the impression that their ballot paper is no longer able to bring about a democratic change of course, it is easy for populists to call the system into question.

So let us recall an old virtue of democracy — arguing fairly with one another! Europe needs competition on the best ideas. Can one actually be proud of a certain nationality? I am proud of freedom, democracy, our open and tolerant society, peaceful coexistence and social cohesion. None of these things can be taken for granted — they were fought for and are defended by the people of this country.

However, they are also European achievements that can form the heart of a new European patriotism, to which populists and nationalists can only respond with historical dementia. This European patriotism gives us the courage we need for the Europe of the future:. Previous coalition treaties between the two parties have included an endorsement of a two-state solution, but stopped short of condemning the settlements.

The passages were likely written in response to recent moves by the US administration. We demand that any actions — by either side — that are opposed to a final peace agreement be ceased immediately. In the Palestinian territories democratic progress is needed at all levels. The new coalition agreement also includes several passages devoted to the fight against the hatred of Jews and support for local Jewish communities. Most noteworthy, the new government vows to install a special commissioner for Jewish life in Germany and for combating anti-Semitism.