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  2. Chapter two. In search of a tradition: discontinuities of statehood in Ukraine’s history
  3. Peter Halden | Swedish Defence University -

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Commerce, Agriculture, and Slavery: Crash Course European History #8

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Cooper, F. Empires in world history. Power and the politics of difference. Cooper, R. The breaking of nations. Order and chaos in the twenty-first century. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press. Correlates of War. University of Michigan. Doyle, M. Doyle, W. The old European order — Oxford: Oxford University Press. Duverger, M. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

Eisenstadt, S. The political system of empires. New York: The Free Press. Building states and nations 2 vols. Engels, D. Brussels: Classe Internationale. Evans, P. Bringing the state back in. New York: Cambridge University Press. Ferguson, N. Empire: The rise and demise of the British world order and the lessons for global power. New York: Basic Books. New York: Penguin. Finer, S.

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The history of government from the earliest times 3 vols. Gleditsch, K. System membership case description list. Available at weber. Gravier, M. Stable core, shifting periphery? The European Union as an emerging inwards-outwards governing empire, WP Imperial power and the organization of space in Europe and North America. Journal of Political Power , special issue with contributions by the editors Gravier and Parker, and by E.

Ashbee, et al. Hardt, M. Kissinger, H. World order. London: Penguin. Levi, M. Of rule and revenue. Berkeley: University of California Press. Consent, dissent and patriotism. Marano, L. A macrohistoric trend toward world government. Behavior Science Notes , 8 , 35— Marks, G.

Europe and its empires: From Rome to the European Union. Journal of Common Market Studies , 50 1 , 1— McEvedy, C. Atlas of world population history. Harmondsworth, U. Motyl, A. Imperial ends. The decay, collapse and revival of empire. New York: Columbia University Press. Muldoon, J. Empire and order: The concept of empire, — New York: St. Munkler, H. Berlin: Rowolth. English ed. Cambridge, U. Naroll, R. Imperial cycles and world order. Peace Research Papers , 7 , 83— Ostrom, V. The political theory of a compound republic: Designing the American experiment. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

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Chapter two. In search of a tradition: discontinuities of statehood in Ukraine’s history

European federalism: The lessons of past experience. Wright Eds. Federalizing Europe? The costs, benefits, and preconditions of federal political systems pp. Rokkan, S. Economy, territory, identity: Politics of West European peripheries. London: SAGE. Skocpol, T. Bringing the state back in: Strategies of analysis in current research. Evans, D. Skocpol Eds. Bringing the state back in pp. Spruyt, H. The sovereign state and its competitors. Taagepera, R. Size and duration of empires: Systematics of size. Social Science Research , 7 , — Social Science History , 3 —4, — Expansion and contraction patterns of large polities: Context for Russia.

International Studies Quarterly , 41 , — Tilly, C. The formation of national states in Western Europe. Whereas before the cause of ethnic minorities was often exploited by the superpowers or their allies as a way of obtaining geopolitical leverage e. While this may be the case, there is also much confusion as to who has right to self determination, where the limits of national sovereignty and unity lie, and whether and when the territorial integrity of nation states should remain unconditionally unchallenged. What are the main overriding criteria for self determination and independent statehood?

Are there any legal distinctions between the rights of those minorities which belong to a group which already has a state e. Does the right to self determination include the right to secession and independent statehood? When should the international community recognize the rights of a peoples to decide on its own international status, and when should the territorial unity of the nation state be protected as reaffirmed in the Helsinki Final Act?

In view of the continuing confusion surrounding such issues, self determination claims, especially when they lend themselves to violence, are likely to continue to be based on "the play of geopolitical forces rather than upon the relative merits of the moral and legal case" Falk, It would appear then that the drive for self determination, which has acted as the principal inspiration for many modern day nationalist movements, challenges the legitimacy of the state by placing in question its claim to represent the popular will of the nation.

We will now turn to the dynamic between the nation and the state as a means of understanding the basis for what is broadly known as ethno-nationalism. Part of the confusion concerning the nature of the relationship between nation and state arises from the different sometimes overlapping meanings ascribed to the former concept depending on the particular context, which are briefly enumerated below:. The nationalist belief, as expressed by Guiseppe Mazzini in the 19th century, maintained that every nation each particular ethno-linguistic group had the right to form its own state, and that there should be only one state for each nation.

This claim has been historically impractical since, by current accounting, there exist practically no ethno-linguistically homogeneous nations. The territorial distribution of the human race is older than the idea of ethnic-linguistic nation-states and therefore does not correspond to it. Development in the modern world economy, because it generates vast population movements, constantly undermines ethnic-linguistic homogeneity.

Multi-ethnicity and plurilinguality are quite unavoidable, except temporarily by mass exclusion, forcible assimilation, mass expulsion or genocide - in short, by coercion Hobsbawm, In reality, therefore, the definitions are not so clear cut as states are generally multinational and hence, rarely homogeneous and nations are quite often polyethnic. A number of contemporary developments, one pertaining to the European continent and the former Soviet Union, the other occurring on a world scale but affecting Europe closely, provide some basis for our understanding of the resurgence of nationalism in modern times.

The former concerns the parallel and opposed dynamics in today's Europe between the forces of integration on the one hand European Union , and those of political disintegration and fragmentation e. Expressing itself in the form of nationalist or self determination movements, notably in the Balkans and in several republics of the former Soviet Union, these groups have been seeking protection of minority rights, territorial autonomy or sovereign statehood.

Peter Halden | Swedish Defence University -

It is interesting to note that both trends have had the effect of challenging state sovereignty, though the tendency towards fragmentation - or the weakening or collapse of central political authority - has also delivered a direct blow to the concept of the territorial integrity of the nation state.

The other development has its origins in the increase in international migration as a result of global economic and political developments. Over the last decade or so, Europe has become a main destination for people fleeing economic and political distress, traditionally from the South but increasingly from Eastern Europe. This development, in turn, has created fertile ground for the emergence of xenophobic right-wing groups in Western Europe which are exploiting economic discontent to justify hostility to "outsiders" perceived as competing for limited resources. As we will see later, the xenophobic reaction is not confined to Western Europe, but has come to the fore as a platform of protest in the economically unstable former socialist societies as well.

The phenomenon of modern day nationalism springs from multiple and often overlapping factors encompassing social, psychological, economic, political and cultural dimensions. Because of the diversity of the conditions, it is manifested in many different forms which makes it difficult to draw clear distinctions between them.

Nevertheless, to the extent possible, the following analysis will concentrate on three broad - and sometimes overlapping - contemporary varieties, namely, state nationalism, ethno-nationalism and, finally, what we call "protest" nationalism, encompassing both right-wing nationalist movements in Europe and the former Soviet Union as well as the phenomenon of religious fundamentalism.

Given the background of the preceding section, which has sought to establish the relationship between certain key concepts, we will try to show that in each case nationalism is a reaction to something which is directly or indirectly related to the policy or the performance of the state. In a practice widely resorted to by governments, state nationalism embraces the nation as a whole, thus transcending ethnic distinctions. It is the creation of mass public sentiment in favor of the state and is used by the latter to mobilize popular support for its policies most prominently in wartime or to reaffirm its legitimacy.

State nationalism can be expressed in a multitude of ways. Most prominently, it is an instrument wielded in the process of nation state building where the state is created and sustained around the concept and the glorification of the nation e. It can also allude to state manipulation of nationalist ideology to promote unity against external opposition e.

Externally, it can refer to policies aimed at extending the territory of the state into areas which the state claims as belonging to its nation e. Internally, one could describe as nationalist actions taken by the state against specific groups or individuals amounting to a denial of cultural pluralism and justified on grounds of the anti- or un-national "unpatriotic" character of those groups or individuals e.

Although no common definition of ethnicity exists, it is generally described as the awareness on the part of a particular community of having a separate identity on the basis of common history, race, language, religion, culture and territory. Where that community constitutes a minority, which is often the case, ethnicity is also used synonymously with minority or identity groups, which is sometimes also loosely extended to migrant or refugee communities.

Most ethnic groups are oriented towards recognition and expression of their cultural identity and the protection of their rights as a group to share in the benefits of the state in which they live. An increasing number, however, are seeking various forms of political recognition or autonomy. Irrespective of the regions involved, the complaints appear to be the same: each group feels it is being denied some of the economic, political, social and cultural rights and opportunities available to other populations in a given state.

Broadly speaking, therefore, ethnicity becomes a form of nationalism when it assumes a political and often territorial dimension that challenges the status quo, and, in some cases, the legitimacy and stability of the state in question by becoming a catalyst for intra- or inter-state conflict. Some would argue that the most dynamic ingredient of nationalism is ethnicity; indeed, that nationalism is in essence the political expression of ethnicity. It is clear that ethnic divisions have existed since time immemorial.

Conflicts or tensions have been present even when apparently latent and grievances nursed for generations. What concerns us here are the factors which have given rise to contemporary ethno-nationalism, some of which are enumerated below. At the national level, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism can be sought in the failure or inability of the modern nation state to serve the national community and to meet the needs of its minority populations in terms of an equitable distribution of resources and opportunities.

Economic deprivation and disparity, as witnessed in numerous cases, has often acted as a powerful catalyst igniting the flame of nationalist revolt and in crystallizing a sense of ethnic identity. Not only does the denial of cultural and political rights and the lack of active power-sharing for minority groups through constitutional arrangements fail to close the poverty gap, but this failure combines, in some cases, with frustration over the slow development of democratic forms of government - a combination that helps to explain some of the political bases for ethnic resurgence.

Furthermore, the tendency of the modern nation state to resort to political discrimination, repressive action e. Such actions invariably result in strengthening aspirations for separate ethno-national identity. A related consequence of state policies also resulting in ethno-nationalism happens when migrant communities fleeing ethnic, political and economic victimization settle in the more industrialized societies and create new hybrid cultural identities distinct from the society in which they have settled. The growing hostility to their presence frequently expressed through racist rejection is leading these groups to declare their specificity and to rally around different forms of cultural or political expression.

Though most Muslims in Western Europe numbering over 8 million say they want to integrate, it can be argued that it is the enmity and coldness of the native European populations which push them to assert their identity through religious and cultural differences. In Central and Eastern Europe, on the other hand, the principal stimulus for ethnic revival springs from the multinational and multiethnic composition of most of the societies in the region.

Such reactions have invariably sprung from or led to repressive government policies, thereby periodically creating serious tensions between the states or communities concerned. In addition, almost all the countries harbor revisionist claims against one another. However, although such tensions have occasionally strained inter-state relations since World War II, they have never jeopardized national and regional stability to the extent witnessed since the collapse of the socialist state system, the war in Bosnia being its most tragic illustration.

The situation in the former Soviet Union is analogous, demonstrated most dramatically by the liberation struggle of the Chechen people and the inter-ethnic conflicts within the Transcausian republics. Several reasons are ascribed to this development, some of which are outlined below. The "deep freeze" effect: namely, that the totalitarian regimes were not successful in quelling ethnic passions; they were merely kept frozen only to resurface when authoritarian structures which imposed an artificial homogeneity disintegrated.

Others claim that it is the disintegration of central power and not the strength of national feeling that has forced certain republics, such as Khazakstan and Macedonia which did not previously dream of separation, to assert their independence as a means of self-preservation Hobsbawm, Or, stated differently, nationalism, in this case, becomes a means of filling the political void left by the rapid breakdown of central political authority, or of retrospectively celebrating new-found statehood. A related argument is that nationalism is a reaction to communist ideology's denial of national identity based on its promotion of the all-embracing concept of 'homo-Sovieticus' which sought to foster the illusion of homogeneity.

The seeming inability of the nation state to satisfy the demands of ethno-cultural minorities and the lack of an accepted international premise for the recognition of self determination as in the case of Chechenya no doubt constitute additional reasons for the eruption of ethnic tensions in the region.

Not unlike ethno-nationalism, the phenomenon of what we call protest nationalism can broadly be explained as a response to perceived social, political, cultural or economic insecurity brought about or subsequently exploited, directly or indirectly, by state policy.

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  • According to conventional wisdom, wealth, individual freedoms and political maturity should have inoculated Europe against xenophobic and parochial forms of nationalism and ushered in a heightened sense of tolerance and acceptance of the "other. Yet, as recent European history has shown, xenophobic nationalism, embodying characteristics of neo-fascist ideology, can also emerge among groups within so-called advanced societies. These reactions have tended to flourish within a more general context of socio-economic decline and political change.

    The ensuing insecurities have found their principal target in the settled or newly arriving immigrant communities. As many analysts have pointed out, at a time of economic stress, all 'foreign' elements and new arrivals are bound to be resented - even ethnic Germans from ex-GDR wishing to settle in Germany. These phenomena explain in part the popular appeal of right-wing parties and groups in Western Europe 12 which seek to defend so-called national and cultural identity and norms on the basis of reactionary, authoritarian and racist slogans advocating for the most part the severe restriction of immigration and asylum policies.

    The phenomenon or, as some put it, the traumatism, of immigration has been used as a convenient target for public discontent and has become a politically important and sensitive issue. Some also explain the popular successes of these groups or parties in terms of the reaction to the political disorientation arising from the rapid collapse of the communist menace and the accompanying psychological need to transfer the "enemy" image to new sources of threat. As has traditionally been the case in history, most notably with the Jews, in times of economic crisis and social instability, ethno-nationalistic sentiments offer groups an opportunity to put the blame on others outside their own community.

    A further attraction of these right-wing parties appears to lie in their promise to eliminate corruption, misery and unemployment and their ability to exploit people's aspiration for a better life.