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The primacy of local interest and press freedom in Hong Kong: A survey study of journalists. Lee, Xiao Ge, and Xianglin Liu International Communication Gazette, 72 2 , Lee, Francis, L. The prevention effect of third-person perception: A study on the perceived and actual influence of polls.
Cultural discount of cinematic achievement: The Academy Awards and U. Journal of Cultural Economics, 33 4 , The impact of political discussion in a democratizing society: The moderating role of disagreement and support for democracy. Communication Research, 36 3 , Yao Pacific Affairs, 82 2 , Negotiating sporting nationalism: Debating fan behavior in China vs.omegacekap.com/uploads/2019-04-21/1953-how-to.html
School of Journalism and Communication, CUHK - FUNG, Anthony Y. H.
The organizational production of self-censorship in the Hong Kong media. The political consequences of ambivalence: The case of democratic reform in Hong Kong. LLee, Francis L. Hollywood movies in East Asia: Examining cultural discount and performance predictability at the box office.
Asian Journal of Communication, 18 2 , Fortunati, Leopoldina, Francis L. Lee, and Angel M. Lin Chan Professionalism, political orientation, and perceptions of self-censorship in Hong Kong. Making sense of participation: The political culture of the pro-democracy demonstrators in Hong Kong. The China Quarterly, , Local press meets transnational activism: News dynamics in an anti-WTO protest. Chinese Journal of Communication, 1 1 , Sex Role, 57 , Chan, Joseph Man and Francis L.
Lee Political opportunities, social mobilization, and collective action: The re-invigorated pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong. The China Review, 7 2 , Development of pay television in Hong Kong: History, audience consumption, and challenges. Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 4 2 , Objectivity as self-censorship?
Asian Survey, 47 3 , Media and politics in post-handover Hong Kong.
China Perspective, No. Media and the reinvigorated pro-democracy movement.
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Asian Journal of Communication, 17 2 , Strategic interaction, cultural co-orientation, and press freedom in Hong Kong. Media and politics in post-handover Hong Kong: An introduction. Talk radio listening, opinion expression and political discussion in a democratizing society. Asian Journal of Communication, 17 1 , Audience taste divergence over time: Box office of Hollywood movies in Hong Kong, The Role of the mass media in the formation of a rally-based pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Media Asia, 33 , Chan, Joseph Man, Francis L.
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Lee, and Zhongdang Pan Credibility of online news sites in the eyes of journalists: The case of China. Cultural discount and cross-culture predictability: Examining U. Journal of Media Economics, 19 4 , Reprinted as: Lee, Francis L. In Toby Miller ed. The Contemporary Hollywood Reader.
New York: Routledge. Collective efficacy, support for democracy, and political participation in Hong Kong. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 18 3 , Newspaper editorial discourse and the politics of self-censorship in Hong Kong. Poll reporting and journalistic paradigm: A study of popularity poll coverage in newspaper.
Asian Journal of Communication, 16 2 , Spectacle and fandom: Media discourse in two soccer events in Hong Kong.
So you wanna study medicine? A CUHK medical student reveals what it’s really like
Sociology of Sport Journal, 22 2 , Political attitudes, participation, and Hong Kong identities after So Evaluation of media and understanding of politics: The role of education among Hong Kong citizens. Asian Journal of Communication, 15 1 , Professional aspiration and job satisfaction in the midst of media changes: The case of Chinese journalists. Constructing the perfect women: Female officials on Hong Kong newspapers.
Economics trumped democracy? Analysis of post-handover poll data. Although there were advocates for Hong Kong independence, the majority of the Hong Kong population, many of whom were political, economic or war refugees from the Chinese Civil War and the Communist regime on the mainland China, wished to maintain the status quo. From to , Hong Kong saw an exodus of emigrants to overseas countries, especially in the wake of the Tiananmen Square crackdown , which more than a million Hongkongers showed up on the streets to support to student protesters in Beijing.
The Tiananmen incident of strengthened anti-Beijing sentiments and also led to the emergence of the local democracy movement, which demanded a faster pace of democratisation before and after The pro-democracy camp , one of the two largest political alignments in the territory, has called for the early implementation of the universal suffrage since the s.
Since , Beijing's growing encroachment has led Hong Kong to become increasingly integrated as part of China. Hong Kong's freedoms and core values were perceived to have been eroded as a result. In , the government's plan to carry out moral and national education sparked controversy as it was accused of praising the Communist Party of China and Chinese nationalist ideology while condemning democracy and "western values".
In , there was an emergence of localist sentiments , of which some took the anti-immigration nativist stance, fearing mainland Chinese new immigrants , tourists and parallel traders would threaten the established institutions and social customs of Hong Kong. Chin Wan 's On the Hong Kong City-State , published in , arguing for a "localist" perspective and to abandon the "Chinese nationalist sentiment", triggered fierce public debate and was popular among the young generation.
Many of them also promoted nostalgic sentiments for British rule and waved colonial flags at public assemblies. Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying used his New Year's policy address to direct harsh criticism at the magazine for promoting Hong Kong independence, which in fact had little traction up to that point, fanning both the debate and sales of the book Hong Kong Nationalism which featured the articles. On 31 August , the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress NPCSC set restriction on the electoral method of the Chief Executive , in which any candidate should be screened through by a Beijing-controlled nominating committee before standing in the election.
The failure of the campaign for a free and genuine democratic process strengthened the pro-independence discourse, as it was viewed as a failure of the "One Country, Two Systems" and an independent state would be the only way out.
Localist political groups led by youngsters mushroomed after the protests. As some of them such as Youngspiration took the parliamentary path by participating in the District Council elections , other such as Hong Kong Indigenous took the "street action" by targeting the mainland tourists and parallel traders with a militant style of protesting.
On 8 February during the Chinese New Year holidays, the Mong Kok civil unrest broke out between police and protesters following the government's crackdown on unlicensed street hawkers. Batons and pepper spray were used by the police and two warning shots were fired into the air, while protesters threw glass bottles, bricks, flower pots and trash bins toward the police and set fires in the streets. The main participant in the event, Hong Kong Indigenous, a political group with pro-independence tendencies, was branded by Director of the Chinese Liaison Office in Hong Kong Zhang Xiaoming as "radical separatists" who were "inclined toward terrorism.
After the result, Leung claimed localism had gained a foothold as the third most important power in local politics, standing side by side with the pan-democracy and pro-Beijing camps. The SAR Government will take action according to the law. Due to its advocacy for "referendum", the Company Registry and police delayed their registration as a company or society.
The party was also unable to set up its own bank account to raise funds. It demands a democratic government be set up after and for the public to draw up the Hong Kong constitution. It also denounces the Hong Kong government for becoming a "puppet" of the Communist regime, "weakening" the territory's autonomy. Leung Chun-ying dismissed the claim, stating that "Hong Kong has been a part of China since ancient times, and this is a fact that will not change after On 5 August, the Hong Kong pro-independence activists launched a rally which was dubbed "first pro-independence rally in Hong Kong" and drew about 2, people.
On 12 October the inaugural meeting of the Legislative Council, two Youngspiration legislators Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching took the oaths of office as an opportunity to make pro-independence statements. The two claimed that "As a member of the Legislative Council, I shall pay earnest efforts in keeping guard over the interests of the Hong Kong nation," displayed a "Hong Kong is not China" banner, inserted their own words into the oaths and mispronounced "People's Republic of China" as "people's re-fucking of Chee-na ".
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The spokesman of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office stated that "[Beijing] will absolutely neither permit anyone advocating secession in Hong Kong nor allow any pro-independence activists to enter a government institution. On 14 July , the four legislators were unseated by the court. On 4 September , the Hong Kong independence issue made a high-profile reappearance as the banners calling for independence surfaced at the Chinese University of Hong Kong CUHK overnight ahead of the new academic year.
The school staff quickly removed them. Quarrels and confrontation between some local and mainland students broke out as a number of mainland Chinese students grouped themselves to tear down the posters advocating Hong Kong independence on the CUHK campus's "democracy wall". The action of the mainland students was praised by the Chinese Communist Youth League which shared the video on its official WeChat account. She also insisted academic freedom and university autonomy were no excuse for propagating fallacies.
Victor Mallet, Vice-chairman of the press organisation, chaired the session. Youngspiration calls for the right to self-determination of the "Hong Kong nation" on their sovereignty. Localist activist group Civic Passion has expressed its support for Hong Kong independence before, but later called for the amendment of the Basic Law of Hong Kong through a civil referendum in the Legislative Council election.
The Chinese government firmly opposes Hong Kong independence. Former Chinese paramount leader Deng Xiaoping opposed British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher 's alternative proposals during the Sino-British negotiation in the early s as he believed she "wanted to turn Hong Kong into some kind of an independent or semi-independent political entity". After the establishment of the Hong Kong National Party in March , an editorial piece in the Chinese government-owned Global Times slammed the Hong Kong National Party by stating that it is "impossible to achieve" independence for Hong Kong and calling it "a practical joke" and "forefront of extremism".
It is firmly opposed by all Chinese people, including some seven million Hong Kong people. The Hong Kong government issued a statement after the formation of the Hong Kong National Party, stating that "any suggestion that Hong Kong should be independent or any movement to advocate such 'independence' is against the Basic Law, and will undermine the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and impair the interest of the general public… The SAR Government will take action according to the law.
The mainstream pan-democracy camp sympathised with the pro-independence cause but generally opposes Hong Kong independence as they do not think it will be beneficial to Hong Kong or it is practical or achievable. Although politicians and scholars like Chin Wan , Wong Yuk-man and Civic Passion 's Wong Yeung-tat are seen as leading localist figures and have been close to the Hong Kong independence movement and even had advocated "nation building", they have also cut clear that they do not support Hong Kong independence during in the midst of the Hong Kong LegCo candidates' disqualification controversy.
They claim they fight for an amendment of the Basic Law through civil referendum to maintain Hong Kong's autonomy similar to that of Greenland 's. The last British colonial governor Chris Patten opposes Hong Kong independence, worrying such activists would "dilute support" for democracy in Hong Kong: "[i]t would be dishonest, dishonourable and reckless of somebody like me, to pretend that the case for democracy should be mixed up with an argument about the independence of Hong Kong — something which is not going to happen, something which dilutes support for democracy, and something which has led to all sorts of antics which should not take place in a mature society aiming to be a full democracy.
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