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  1. Le camp des Saints, de Jean Raspail, un succès de librairie raciste? - L'Express
  2. Here’s What Happens at Your OFII Meeting + Medical Appointment
  3. Discours d'Emmanuel Macron pour une Europe souveraine, unie, démocratique.
  4. « Ils souhaitent que nous arrêtions de penser »

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Le camp des Saints, de Jean Raspail, un succès de librairie raciste? - L'Express

Log out of Readcube. Click on an option below to access. Log out of ReadCube. Volume 23 , Issue 4.

Here’s What Happens at Your OFII Meeting + Medical Appointment

If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. It also loses Paris St. And don't look for as much flash without Real Madrid striker Karim Benzema, whose father was born in Algeria.

France also loses Juventus midfielder Paul Pogba, whose parents were born in Guinea. Topping off all that, they've lost Bayern Munich winger Franck Ribery because of an injury. But it loses a lot more. Eintracht Frankfurt midfielder Tranquillo Barnetta is of Italian descent and holds dual citizenship. Napoli midfielder Gokhan Inler's parents were born in Turkey.

Wee little Ecuador has a slim chance of getting out of Group E in the real cup. But its odds look much better against the almost-empty rosters of France and Switzerland in the no-immigrants version. Al-Hilal midfielder Segundo Castillo ended up being dropped from the squad because of an injury. A strong favorite in the real Group F, Argentina leads the group in the no-immigrant tourney, too. On the plus side, it picks up Juventus striker Pablo Osvaldo from Italy. The same goes for Marseille striker Jordan Ayew, whose parents were born in Ghana though he was born in France.

It also gets Danny Welbeck, whose parents were born in Ghana, from England. The Germans get our moral support in honor of their recent decision to allow dual citizenship to the children of immigrants.

3 chiffres sur l'immigration en France

They retain Schalke defender Benedikt Howedes, whose parents were born in Germany though the family has roots in Norway. And they lose Marco Reus regardless, to an injury. It loses Fenerbahce S. Defender Bruno Alves, whose father was born in Brazil. Lucky for them, Real Madrid striker Cristiano Ronaldo, whose great grandmother was from Cape Verde, isn't an immigrant by our rules. Bookies say Russia has an outside chance of winning the real Group H.

But Vladimir Putin's men become the odds-on favorite when we take away the immigrants. Among scorers, the Russians keep Zenit St. Petersburg midfielder Viktor Faizulin, Zenit St. Strictly speaking, Dzagoev is of Ossetian descent — his parents moved from Georgia in But we've seen Putin without his shirt, and we don't want another Crimea-type situation.

This is just petty controversy. At first I thought it important to answer these claims. Then I realised it was useless. You can put forward all the arguments in the world, you will not persuade people who have nothing to gain from being persuaded.

Discours d'Emmanuel Macron pour une Europe souveraine, unie, démocratique.

I have become increasingly convinced — and that was instrumental to my shift towards pragmatism at an epistemological level — that the space allowed for genuine discussion is very restricted, even in our profession. You have to be in agreement on many things before you can engage in a genuine debate.

Otherwise time is wasted in sterile polemics not unlike a mechanic and a surgeon arguing over the comparative merits of the wrench and the scalpel. Depending on the object being studied, you have, you can call on different tools. Meanwhile, another much more far-reaching debate is going on: We need to know whether it is possible to study the history of the Nation-State or of immigration without taking into account the internationalisation of social relations.

What does this distinction cover and what is at stake? There was a time, coinciding with the structuralist era, when the dominant analysis revolved around identity, viz.


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It was criticised by Foucault, Derrida and, more significantly perhaps for us social scientists, by anthropologist Jack Goody. Meanwhile the notion of identity was becoming a political football. That is the time when the Front National launched its national identity gambit. For all that Fernand Braudel cannot of course be blamed for endorsing this new line, his book The Identity of France deeply troubled me. He took neither colonisation nor immigration into account.

It was a highly debatable and rather outdated vision of contemporary French history. The shift from identity to identification unlocked a full range of research possibilities. For me, a good concept is one that advances sound empirical research.

« Ils souhaitent que nous arrêtions de penser »

The identification concept sets the socio-historian at the heart of social relations and the domination models they imply. It also permits a new approach to the State, taken as statization process. Working on immigration, I came across these identification issues very early, in particular via identity documents, at a time when dominant thinking ran on culturalist lines I am thinking of scenarios about immigrants losing their identity as they crossed borders.

What is your view of the CNHI episode? Once again, I strive to differentiate clearly between my activities. For me, historical science has no political use. And to ensure its civic use, an effort of translation and intervention in the public arena is required. It is entirely legitimate for, in this respect, there are no universal rules to which all should bend.

In the book I wrote on this subject, I stressed the fact that there were different ways to answer the call and that they were all legitimate in democracy, even though each has limits and inconsistencies. For my part I have always hovered towards the critical end of the spectrum, even if I have from time to time acted as an expert, notably when I took part in National Education missions to determine the place to grant immigration in the teaching of history. The object was to find a place where to make available the knowledge accumulated on the history of immigration, in a way that would enable the citizens who do not read history books to own their content and to arrive at their own judgment on the subject in full knowledge of the facts.

I recorded many life histories for my thesis. Many workers said to me that on no account did they wish to bring out their immigrant background. I think this choice must be shown the same respect as its opposite. It does not fall to us historians to make these decisions: We are to provide the tools for people to use as they see fit. It so happens that France is one of the countries where immigration has the worst image in world. Now, the object of this space has come to clash with the electoral pitch of the man who became President of the Republic.

In the French context, the association between immigration and national identity has always been connoted with a negative representation of foreigners. We had to hold our ground: accordingly, we chose to resign. However we continue to work with CNHI personnel in order to advance the projects we had initiated.


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  • We do not have any major objections to the place or the way it operates but, had we remained part of its scientific establishment, assuming responsibilities within the institution, we would have endorsed the setting up of this ministry. Is this situation another nail in the coffin of intellectual activism? I can hardly claim that our efforts have been an unqualified success. I think a true intellectual must be able to re-address his own analyses and his own engagements without foregoing his ideal. That is what my latest work on racism has made me do. But I am convinced that we have not yet devised the tools that should enable us to understand conservative political strategies in the media age.

    How can he get away with such double-talk without being discredited?