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Two electors obstinately persisted in voting for Washington. When it appeared that Adams had only three more votes than Jefferson, who secured the second place instead of Pinckney, it seemed on the surface as if Hamilton's advice had been sound. But from the outset it had been clear and no one knew it better than Hamilton that several southern federalists would withhold their votes from Adams in order to give the presidency to Pinckney, always supposing that the New England electors could be depended upon to vote equally for both.

The purpose of Hamilton's advice was to make Pinckney president and Adams vice-president, in opposition to the wishes of their party. This purpose was suspected in New England, and while some of the southern federalists voted for Pinckney and Jefferson, eighteen New Englanders, in voting for Adams, withheld their votes from Pinckney. The result was the election of a federalist president with a republican vice-president.

In case of the death, disability, or removal of the president, the administration would fall into the hands of the opposite party. Clearly a mode of election that presented such temptations to intrigue, and left so much to accident, was vicious and could not last long.

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These proceedings gave rise to a violent feud between John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, which ended in breaking up the federalist party, and has left a legacy of bitter feelings to the descendants of those illustrious men. The presidency of John Adams was stormy. We were entering upon that period when our party strife was determined rather by foreign than by American political issues, when England and France, engaged in a warfare of Titans, took every occasion to browbeat and insult us because we were supposed to be too feeble to resent such treatment.

The revolutionary government of France had claimed that, in accordance with our treaty with that country, we were bound to support her against Great Britain, at least so far as concerned the defence of the French West Indies. The republican party went almost far enough in their sympathy with the French to concede these claims, which, if admitted by our government, would immediately have got us into war with England.

On the other hand, the hatred felt toward France by the extreme federalists was so bitter that any insult from that power was enough to incline them to advocate war against her and in behalf of England. Washington, in defiance of all popular clamor, adhered to a policy of strict neutrality, and in this he was resolutely followed by Adams.

The American government was thus obliged carefully and with infinite difficulty to steer between Scylla and Charybdis until the overthrow of Napoleon and our naval victories over England in '14 put an end to this humiliating state of things. Under W ashington's administration Gouverneur Morris had been for some time minister to France, but he was greatly disliked by the anarchical group that then misruled that country.

To avoid giving offence to the French republic, Washington had recalled Morris and sent James Monroe in his place, with instructions to try to reconcile the French to Jay's mission to England. Instead of doing this, Monroe encouraged the French to hope that Jay's treaty would not be ratified, and Washington accordingly recalled him and sent Cotesworth Pinckney in his place. Enraged at the ratification of Jay's treaty, the French government not only gave a brilliant ovation to Monroe, but refused to receive Pinckney, and would not even allow him to stay in Paris. At the same time, decrees were passed discriminating against American commerce.

Adams was no sooner inaugurated as president than he called an extra session of congress, to consider how war with France should be avoided. The directory would not acknowledge these commissioners and treat with them openly; but Talleyrand, who was then secretary for foreign affairs, sent some of his creatures to intrigue with them behind the scenes. It was proposed that the envoys should pay large sums of money to Talleyrand and two or three of the directors, as bribes, for dealing politely with the United States and refraining from locking up American ships and stealing American goods.

When the envoys scornfully rejected this proposal, a new decree was forthwith issued against American commerce.

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The envoys drew up an indignant remonstrance, which Gerry hesitated to sign. Wearied with their fruitless efforts, Marshall and Pinckney left Paris. But, as Gerry was a republican, Talleyrand thought it worth while to persuade him to stay, hoping that he might prove more compliant than his colleagues. In March, , Mr. Adams announced to congress the failure of the mission, and advised that the preparations already begun should be kept up in view of the war that now seemed almost inevitable. A furious debate ensued, which was interrupted by a motion from the federalist side, calling on the president for full copies of the despatches.

Nothing could have suited Mr. Adams better. He immediately sent in copies complete in everything except that the letters X. The British government scattered them broadcast over Europe, to stir up indignation against France. In America a great storm of wrath seemed for the moment to have wrecked the republican party. Those who were not converted to federalism were for the moment silenced. An army was raised, and Washington was placed in command, with the rank of lieutenant-general. Gerry was recalled from France, and the press roundly berated him for showing less firmness than his colleagues, though indeed he had not done anything dishonorable.

On the 4th of July the effigy of Talleyrand, who had once been bishop of Autun, was arrayed in a surplice and burned at the stake. The president was authorized to issue letters of marque and reprisal, and for a time war with France actually existed, though it was never declared. In February, , Capt. When the directory found that their silly and infamous policy was likely to drive the United States into alliance with Great Britain, they began to change their tactics. Talleyrand tried to crawl out by disavowing his emissaries X. He made overtures to Vans Murray, the American minister at the Hague, tending toward reconciliation.

Adams, while sharing the federalist indignation at the behavior of France, was too clear-headed not to see that the only safe policy for the United States was one of strict neutrality. He was resolutely determined to avoid war if possible, and to meet France half-way the moment she should show symptoms of a return to reason. His cabinet were so far under Hamilton's influence that he could not rely upon them; indeed, he had good reason to suspect them of working against him. Accordingly, without consulting his cabinet, on 18 Feb. This bold step precipitated the quarrel between Mr.

Adams and his party, and during the year it grew fiercer and fiercer. He joined Ellsworth, of Connecticut, and Davie, of North Carolina, to Vans Murray as commissioners, and awaited the assurance of Talleyrand that they would be properly received at Paris. On receiving this assurance, though it was couched in rather insolent language by the baffled Frenchman, the commissioners sailed Nov. On reaching Paris, they found the directory overturned by Napoleon, with whom as first consul they succeeded in ad justing the difficulties.

This French mission completed the split in the federalist party, and made Mr. The quarrel with the Hamiltonians had been further embittered by Adams's foolish attempt to prevent Hamilton's obtaining the rank of senior major-general, for which Washington had designated him, and it rose to fever-heat in the spring of , when Mr. Adams dismissed his cabinet and selected a new one. Another affair contributed largely to the downfall of the federalist party. In , during the height of the popular fury against France, the federalists in congress presumed too much upon their strength, and passed the famous alien and sedition acts.

By the first of these acts, aliens were rendered foible to summary banishment from the United States at the sole discretion of the president; and any alien who should venture to return from such banishment was liable to imprisonment at hard labor for life. By the sedition act any scandalous or malicious writing against the president or either house of congress was liable to be dealt with in the United States courts and punished by fine and imprisonment. This act contravened the constitutional amendment that forbids all infringement of freedom of speech and of the press, and both acts aroused more widespread indignation than any others that have ever passed in congress.

In the election of the federalist votes were given to John Adams and Cotesworth Pinckney, and the republican votes to Jefferson and Burr. The count showed 65 votes for Adams, 64 for Pinckney, and 1 for Jay, while Jefferson and Burr had each 73, and the election was thus thrown into the house of representatives. Adams took np part in the intrigues that followed. His last considerable public act, in appointing John Marshall to the chief justiceship of the United States, turned out to be of inestimable value to the country, and was a worthy end to a great public career.

Very different, and quite unworthy of such a man as John Adams, was the silly and puerile fit of rage in which he got up before daybreak of the 4th of March and started in his coach for Massachusetts, instead of waiting to see the inauguration of his successful rival. On several occasions John Adams's career shows us striking examples of the demoralizing effects of stupendous personal vanity, but on no occasion more strikingly than this.

Yet in estimating his character we must not forget that in his resolute insistence upon the French mission of he did not stop for a moment to weigh the probable effect of his action upon his chances for reelection. He acted as a true patriot, ready to sacrifice himself for the welfare of his country, never regretted the act, and always maintained that it was the most meritorious of his life. After so long and brilliant a career, he now passed a quarter of a century in his home at Quincy as that part of Braintree was now called in peaceful and happy seclusion, devoting himself to literary work relating to the history of his times.

In the aged statesman was chosen delegate to the convention for revising the constitution of Massachusetts, and labored unsuccessfully to obtain an acknowledgment of the equal rights, political and religious, of others than so-called Christians. His friendship with Jefferson, which had been broken off by their political differences, was resumed in his old age, and an interesting correspondence was kept up between the two.

As a writer of English, John Adams in many respects surpassed all his American contemporaries; his style was crisp, pungent, and vivacious. In person he was of middle height, vigorous, florid, and somewhat corpulent, quite like the typical John Bull. He was always truthful and outspoken, often vehement and brusque. Vanity and loquacity, as he freely admitted, were his chief foibles. Without being quarrelsome, he had little or none of the tact that avoids quarrels; but he harbored no malice, and his anger, though violent, was short-lived. Among American public men there has been none more upright and honorable.

He lived to see his son president of the United States, and died on the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of independence and in the ninety-first year of his age. Adams 10 vols. A dams 2 vols. Morse, Jr.

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Boston, The portrait that forms the frontispiece of this volume is from a painting by Gilbert Stuart, which was executed while Mr. Adams was president and is now in the possession of his grandson. The one on page 16 was taken when he was a youth. One of the grantees of the charter of Charles the First to the London Company was named Thomas Adams, though it does not appear that he was of those who emigrated with Governor Winthrop, in Thomas Parker, in a vessel from Ipswich, in the county of Essex, in the neighborhood of which is the small town of Braintree.

There was, it seems, after their arrival, some difficulty in deciding where they should be located. It was finally determined that Mount Wollaston, situated within the harbor, and distant about nine miles from the three mountains, and whence the intrusive merry mountaineer Morton had been expelled, should, with an enlarged boundary, be annexed to Boston ; and the lands within that boundary were granted in various proportions to individuals, chiefly, if not entirely, of the new company from Ipswich.

The settlement soon increased; and feeling, like all the original settlements in New England, the want of religious instruction and social worship, found it a great inconvenience to travel nine or ten miles every Sunday to reach the place of their devotions. In they began to hold meetings, and to hear occasional preachers, at Mount Wollaston itself. Three years afterwards they associated themselves under a covenant as a Christian Church; and in were incorporated as a separate town, by the name of Braintree.

Of this town Henry Adams, junior, was the first town-clerk; and the first pages of the original town records, still extant, are in his handwriting. He was the oldest of eight sons, with whom his father, Henry Adams, had emigrated, probably from Braintree in England, and who had arrived in the vessel from Ipswich Henry Adams the elder, died in , leaving a widow, and a daughter named Ursula, besides the eight sons above-mentioned. He had been a brewer in England, and had set up a brewery in his new habitation. This establishment was continued by the youngest but one of his sons, named Joseph.

The other sons sought their fortunes in other towns, and chiefly among their first settlers. Henry, who had been the first town clerk of Braintree; removed, at the time of the incorporation of Medfield in , to that place, and was again the first town-clerk there. Joseph, the son who remained at Braintree, was born in ; was at the time of the emigration of the family from England, a boy of eight years old, and died at the age of sixty-eight in , leaving ten children,—five sons and five daughters. One of these sons, named John, settled in Boston, and was father of Samuel Adams, and grandfather of the revolutionary patriot of that name.

Another son, named also Joseph, was born in ; married Hannah Bass, a daughter of Ruth Alden, and grand-daughter of John Alden of the May Flower, and died in at the age of eighty-two. His mother was Susanna, daughter of Peter Boylston, and niece of Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, renowned as the first introducer of inoculation for the small-pox in the British dominions. John Adams, the father, was a farmer of small estate and a common school education.

He lived and died, as his father and grandfather had done before him, in that mediocrity of condition between affluence, and poverty, most propitious to the exercise of the ordinary duties of life, and to the enjoyment of individual happiness. He was for many years a deacon of the church, and a select man of the town, without enjoying or aspiring to any higher dignity.

He was in his religious opinions, like most of the inhabitants of New England at that time, a rigid Calvinist, and was desirous of bestowing upon his eldest son the benefit of a classical education, to prepare him for the same profession with that of his elder brother, the minister of the gospel at Newington.

His father, without attempting directly to control his inclination, replied that it should be as he desired. He accordingly took him out with himself the next day upon the farm, and gave him practical experience of the labors of the plough, the spade, and the scythe. At the close of the day the young farmer told his father that he would go to school. He retained, however, his fondness for farming to the last years of his life. He was accordingly placed under the tuition of Mr. Marsh, the keeper of a school then residing at Braintree, and who, ten years afterwards, was also the instructor of Josiah Quincy, the celebrated patriot, who lived but to share the first trials and to face the impending terrors of the revolution.

The class to which he belonged stands eminent on the College catalogue, for the unusual number of men distinguished in after-life. Three of these had so far distinguished themselves while under-graduates, that, in the traditions of the College, it was for many years afterwards known by the sons of Harvard as the class of Adams, Hemmenway, and Locke. John Adams, the father, had thus given to his eldest son a liberal education to fit him for the gospel ministry.

He had two other sons, Peter Boylston and Elihu, whom he was educating to the profession which JOHN had at first preferred, of farmers. In this profession Peter Boylston continued to the end of a long life, holding for many years a commission as a justice of the peace, and serving for some time the town of Quincy as their representative in the legislature of the Commonwealth. He died in at the age of eighty-four leaving numerous descendants among the respectable inhabitants of Quincy and of Boston.

Elihu, at the commencement of the Revolution entered the army as a captain, and with multitudes of others fell a victim to the epidemic dysentery of He left two sons and one daughter, whose posterity reside in the towns of Randolph, originally a part of Braintree, Abington, and Bridgewater. The daughter was the mother of Aaron Hobart, several years a member of the House of Representatives of the United States, and afterwards of the Council of the Commonwealth.

Among the usages of the primitive inhabitants of the villages of New England, a liberal , that is, a college education, was considered as an outfit for life, and equivalent to the double portion of an eldest son. At the commencement, when he was graduated, there were present one or more of the select-men of the town of Worcester, which was then in want of a teacher for the town school.

They proposed to Mr. Adams to undertake this service, and he accepted the invitation. He repaired immediately to Worcester, and took upon him the arduous duties of his office; pursuing at the same time the studies which were to prepare him for the ministry. His entrance thus upon the theatre of active life was at a period of great political excitement.

Politics were the speculation of every mind—the prevailing topic of every conversation. It was then that he wrote to his kinsman, Nathaniel Webb, that prophetic letter which has been justly called a literary phenomenon, and which shadowed forth the future revolution of Independence, and the naval glories of this Union.

His father had fondly cherished the hope that he was raising, by the education of his son, a monumental pillar of the Calvinistic church; and he himself, reluctant at the thought of disappointing the hopes of his father, and unwilling to embrace a profession laboring then under strong prejudices unfavorable to it among the people of New England, had acquiesced in the purpose which had devoted him to the gospel ministry.

But the progress of his theological studies soon gave him an irresistible distaste for the Calvinistic doctrines. The writings of Archbishop Tillotson, then at the summit of their reputation; the profound analysis of Bishop Butler, with his sermons upon human nature and upon the character of Balaam, took such hold upon his memory, his imagination, and his judgment, that they extirpated from his mind every root of Calvinism that had been implanted in it; and the philosophical works of Bolingbroke, then a dazzling novelty in the literary world, although wholly successless in their tendency to shake his faith in the sublime and eternal truths of the gospel, contributed effectively to wean him from the creed of the Genevan Reformer.

About one year after his first arrival at Worcester, after much anxious deliberation and consultation with confidential friends, he resolved to relinquish the study of divinity, and to undertake that of the law. He accordingly entered the office of Col. James Putnam, then a lawyer of reputation at Worcester, and became at the same time an inmate of his house. With him he lived in perfect harmony for the space of two years, pursuing, with indefatigable diligence, the study of the law, and keeping at the same time the town school.

In he completed his preparatory professional studies; relinquished his school, and returned to his paternal mansion at Braintree. He applied, though a total stranger, to Jeremy Gridley, then the most eminent lawyer in New England, and Attorney-general of the Province, to present him to the judges of the Superior Court for admission to the Bar. Gridley examined him with regard to him proficiency in the studies appropriate to his profession, and warmly recommended him to the Court, securing thereby his admission.

He opened an office, and commenced the practice in his native town. Two years after, in , he lost his father; but continued to reside with his mother and brother till His attendance upon the Courts in the counties of Suffolk, and of the old colony, was assiduous; but an accidental engagement in a private cause, before the Court at Plymouth, gave him the opportunity to display talents, which brought him immediately into large and profitable practice.

It commenced by an increased rigor of exaction and of restriction in the execution of the laws of trade. For this purpose the officers of the customs were instructed by an order of the royal council, to apply, in cases when they suspected articles of merchandize upon which the duties had not been paid, were concealed, to the justices of the Superior Courts, for writs of assistance , such as were sometimes issued from the Court of Exchequer in England, authorizing them to enter the houses and warehouses of the merchants, to detect the unlawfully imported goods.

This was a new and odious process, to which the merchants in the colonies had never before been subjected; and its legality was immediately contested before the Superior Court. It was substantially the same case as that of the general search warrants, which some years after kindled so fierce and inextinguishable a flame upon the prosecution of John Wilkes in London. The spirit of English liberty was as sensitive and as intractable in the colonies, as it ever had been in the mother country. The remark of Junius, that the dogs and horses of England lost their metal by removing to another hemisphere, but that patriotism was improved by transportation , meant by him for a sarcasm, was a truth too serious for the derision of a British statesman.

The trial of John Peter Zenger, at New York, had vindicated the freedom of the press, and the rights of juries, twenty years before they issued victorious from the re-considered opinions of Camden, and the prevaricating wisdom of Mansfield. And in the trial of the writs of assistance, at Boston, James Otis had. JOHN ADAMS, at the age of twenty-seven, attended as a member of the bar, the trial upon the writs of assistance, and witnessed the splendid exhibitions of genius and learning exerted in the cause of freedom by the pioneer of American Independence, James Otis.

Small is the portion of mankind to whom it is given to discern the great events which control the destinies of nations in their seminal principles. He saw and marked its progress on the argument of James Otis upon writs of assistance in ; a cause which, although it produced great excitement at the time, would scarcely have been noticed among the historical incidents of the term, but for the minutes, which his curiosity induced him to take of the trial as it proceeded, and from an imperfect copy of which, taken afterwards by one of the law students in his office, the account of it in the subsequent histories of that period has been published.

On the 25th of October, , he was married to Abigail Smith, second daughter of William Smith, minister of a congregational church at Weymouth, then in her twentieth year. This was the memorable year of the Stamp Act, and from this year may be dated his first entrance upon political life. Before this society MR. The sensation which it produced on the public mind was so great, that in the following year it was re-published, in London, and there attributed to the pen of Gridley.

It has been frequently since re-published, and even now may be considered as a worthy precursor to the declaration of Independence. Popular commotions prevented the landing of the Stamp Act papers, which had been sent from England to be used in all processes before the judicial courts. Thomas Hutchinson, at once the Lieut. Governor and Chief Justice of the Superior Court of the Province, had closed the sessions of the Court, on the pretence that they could not be lawfully held but by using the stamps.

The suspension of the Courts was severely felt throughout the Province; but especially in the town of Boston, where, after some time, a town meeting was held, at which it was determined to present a petition to the Governor and Council, that the Courts of justice might be forthwith re-opened; and they prayed to be heard by counsel in support of the petition.

The Governor and Council had not ventured to refuse hearing counsel in support of the town petition; but, perhaps, from the same timid policy, would hear them only with closed doors, and without admitting any supernumerary hearers. They suggested to the three gentlemen, who represented the town, the expediency of deciding between themselves the points upon which they proposed to support the petition. Gridley, the officer of the crown, without entering upon the question of right, represented only the general and severe distress suffered by all classes of the people, not only of the town, but of the whole province, by the suspension of all proceedings in the Judicial Courts.

Otis argued, that from this unforeseen and unexampled state of things, the nature of the case gave a right of necessity, authorizing the Governor and Council to command the re-opening of the Court until the pleasure of the authority beyond the sea could be known. That the Stamp Act was an Assumption of power, unwarranted by, and inconsistent with, the principles of the English constitution, and with the charter of the Province.

That it was null and void; binding neither upon the people, nor upon the courts of justice in the colony; and that it was the duty of the Governor and Council to require of the judges of the courts, that they should resume their judicial Courts, and proceed without exacting from suitors, or applying to their own records, the use of any stamps whatever. This, and a cotemporaneous resolution of the same import, introduced into the House of Representatives of the Province by Samuel Adams, are believed to have been the first direct denial of the unlimited right of legislation of Parliament over the colonies in the progress of that controversy.

In the argument before the Governor and Council, it could be assumed, only by MR. Otis having, in a celebrated pamphlet on the rights of the colonies, shortly before published, admitted the right of taxation to be among the lawful authorities of Parliament. The Governor and Council deferred their decision upon the petition of the town, and before the period arrived for the next regular session of the Superior Court, the intelligence came of the repeal of the Stamp Act, and relieved them from the necessity of any decision upon it. The selection of MR. ADAMS as one of the law council of the town of Boston upon this memorable occasion, was at once an introduction to a career of political eminence, and a signal advancement of his professional reputation as a lawyer.

He had already, as chairman of a committee of the town of Braintree, draughted instructions, on the subject of the Stamp Act, to the Representative of the town in the general court, which had been published, and attracted much notice; and he was shortly after elected one of the select-men of the town. He had formed an intimate acquaintance and warm friendship with Jonathan Sewall, who had married a Miss Quincy, a relation of MR. Sewall, a man of fine talents, distinguished as an orator and a writer, had commenced his career as a patriot; but had been drawn over by the artifices of Bernard and Hutchinson, and by lucrative and honorable offices, to the royal cause.

Through him the office of advocate-general was offered to MR. ADAMS, which he declined, though tendered with an assurance that no sacrifice of his political sentiments would be expected from him by his acceptance of the office. Although the commander of the naval force on the American station, Captain Hood, afterwards Lord Hood, a name illustrious in the naval annals of Britain, was a member of the Court which decided the fate of Nickerson, he was acquitted and discharged; and thus, even before the question of Parliamentary taxation had been brought to its issue in blood, it was solemnly settled that the royal prerogative of impressment did not extend to the colonies.

In the inimitable portrait of the just man drawn by the great Roman Lyric Poet, he is said to be equally immovable from his purpose by the flashing eye of the tyrant, and by the burning fury of a multitude commanding him to do wrong. Of all revolutions, ancient or modern, that of American Independence was pre-eminently popular. It was emphatically the revolution of the people. Not one noble name of the parent realm is found recorded upon its annals, as armed in the defence of the cause of freedom, or assisting in the councils of the confederacy; a few foreign nobles, La Fayette, De Kalb, Pulaski, Steuben, Du Portail, Du Coudray, and a single claimant of a British peerage, Lord Stirling, warmed by the spirit of freedom, and stimulated by the electric spark of military adventure, joined the standard of our country; and more than one, of them laid down their lives in her cause.

Of the natives of the land, not one—not Washington himself—. The title of Liberator, since applied to an immeasurably inferior man in another continent of this hemisphere, could not be, and never was, applied to Washington. Of the nation, formed after the revolution was accomplished, he was by the one people placed at the head; of the revolution itself, he was but the arm.

North American Independence was achieved by a new phenomenon in the history of mankind,—by a self-formed, self-constituted, and self-governed democracy. The objections urged from time-immemorial against the democracies of former ages were, the instability of the popular will—the impetuosity of their passions—the fluctuation of their counsels, and the impossibility of resisting their occasional and transitory animosities and resentments. Little of al this was seen in the course of the North American revolution. Even before its outset the people were trained to a spirit of self-control, well suited to prepare them for the trials that awaited them, and to carry them triumphantly through the fiery ordeal.

No event contributed more to the formation of this spirit than the tragedy of the 5th of March, , and its consequences. To suppress the popular commotions which the system of Parliamentary taxation had excited and could not fail to provoke, two regiments of soldiers were stationed at Boston; and becoming daily more odious to the inhabitants, were exposed to continual insults from the unguarded and indiscreet among them. On the 5th of March, a small party of the soldiers, under command of Lieut.

Preston, were thus assailed and insulted by a crowd of people gathering round them, until they fired upon them, and killed and wounded several persons. The passions of the people were roused to the highest pitch of indignation, but manifested themselves by no violence or excess. Lieutenant Preston and six of the soldiers were arrested by the civil authority, and tried before the Superior Court for murder.

The momentary passions of the people identified the sufferings of the victims of that night with the cause of the country, and JOHN ADAMS and Josiah Quincy were signalized as deserters from the standard of freedom. How great was the load of public obloquy under which they labored, lives yet in the memory of surviving witnesses; and is recorded in the memoir of the life of Josiah Quincy, which the filial veneration of a son, worthy of such a father, has given to the world.

Among the most affecting incidents related in that volume, and the most deeply interesting documents appended to it, are the recital of this event, and the correspondence between Josiah Quincy the defender of the soldiers and his father on that occasion. The fortitude of JOHN ADAMS was brought to a test equally severe; as the elder council for the prisoners on trial, it was his duty to close the argument in their defence. The writer of this article has often heard from individuals, who had been present among the crowd of spectators at the trial, the electrical effect produced upon the jury, and upon the immense and excited auditory, by the first sentence with which he opened his defence; which was the following citation from the then recently published work of Beccaria.

The town of Boston instituted an annual commemoration of the massacre of the 5th of March, by the delivery of an oration to the inhabitants assembled in town meeting. This anniversary was thus celebrated for a succession of thirteen years, until the close of the Revolutionary War, when that of the 4th of July, the day of national Independence was substituted in its place. The Boston massacre is, however, memorable as the first example of those annual commemorations by public discourses ever since so acceptable to the people.

Within two months after the trial of the soldiers, MR. ADAMS received a new testimonial of the favor and confidence of his townsmen, by their election of him as one of their Representatives in the General Court or Colonial Legislature. In this body the conflict of principles between metropolitan authority and British colonial liberty was pertinaciously maintained. Sir Francis Bernard had just before closed his inglorious career, by seeking refuge in his own country from the indignation of the people over whom he had been sent to rule.

He was succeeded by Thomas Hutchinson, a native of the province, a man of considerable talent, great industry, and of grasping ambition; who, in evil hour for himself, preferred the path of royal favor to that of patriotism for the ascent to power and fortune.

In times of civil commotion, the immediate subject of contention between the parties scarcely ever discloses to the superficial observer the great questions at issue between them. The first collision between Hutchinson and the two branches of the General Court was about the place where they were to hold their sessions. Hutchinson, by instructions, secretly suggested by himself, convened the General Court at Cambridge, instead of Boston.

They claimed it as a chartered right to meet at the town-house in Boston; and hence a long controversy between the Governor and the two, houses, which, after three years of obstinate discussion, terminated by the restoration of the Legislature to their accustomed place of meeting. By the charter of the colony, the members of the House of Representatives were annually elected by the people of the towns, and twenty-eight counsellors by the House of Representatives and council, with the approbation of the Governor.

The judges of the Superior Court were appointed by the Governor and Council; and the Governor, Lieutenant-governor, and Judges were paid by annual-grants from the General Court. In ordinary times the Council had always been more friendly to the Executive administration, and less disposed to resist the transatlantic authority than the House; but as the contest with the mother country grew warmer, and the country party in the House stronger, they dropped in their elections to the Council all the partizans of the Court, and elected none but the most determined patriots to the council board.

The only resource of the Governor was to disapprove the most obnoxious of the persons elected, and thus to exclude a few of the most prominent leaders; but in their places the House always elected others of the same principles. Among the devices to which, at the instigation of Hutchinson himself, the British Government resorted to remedy these disorders, was that of vacating the charter of the colony; of reserving to the King in council the appointment of the councillors, and of paying by Parliamentary authority the Governor and Judges, himself.

The drift of these changes could not be mistaken. Hutchinson, who affected the character of a profound constitutiona1 lawyer, entered into long and elaborate discussion of the rights and authority of Parliament in messages to the General Court, which were answered separately by reports of committees in both Houses. In the composition of these papers MR. For the discussion of profound constitutional questions, the education of JOHN ADAMS as a lawyer, had pre-eminently qualified him to cope with Hutchinson in his black letter messages; and for the arguments on chartered rights and statutory law, he was relied upon beyond all others.

In , having removed to his primitive residence at Braintree, he ceased to represent the town of Boston in the Legislature; but he was soon after elected to the council, and negatived by the Governor. In he was elected one of the members from the colony of Massachusetts Bay to the Continental Congress; and on the first meeting of that body, on the 5th of September of that year, took his seat among the founders of the North American Union.

His service in Congress continued until November, , when he was chosen by that body, in the place of Silas Deane, a joint commissioner at the Court of France, with Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee. He embarked for France on the 13th of February, , in the Boston frigate, commanded by Samuel Tucker; and, after a most tempestuous passage of forty-five days, landed at Bordeaux in France.

The recognition by France of the Independence of the United States, and the conclusion of the treaties of commerce and of alliance between the two nations, had taken place between the appointment of MR. Born in Vermont , Douglas studied law in Canandaigua, New York , before moving to Illinois in , where he became involved in politics. As a youth he had been captivated by Andrew Jackson , and it was as a Jacksonian that he built his career.

He played an important part in the organization of the Democratic party in Illinois, introducing such new devices as party committees and nominating conventions and pushing for party regularity and discipline.

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He enjoyed a lasting popularity among the small farmers of the state, many of whom had migrated from the border South, and he used his popularity to establish a tightly knit Democratic organization. After holding several state offices, Douglas ran for Congress in , losing by the narrow margin of thirty-five votes. Six years later, he was elected to the House of Representatives , where he sat for two terms. In , he was elected U. Douglas was involved in every major issue to come before the nation during his years in Washington.

As chairman of the House and Senate Committees on Territories, he developed a strong interest in the West. One of his first legislative proposals was a program that included territorial expansion, the construction of a Pacific railroad, a free land homestead policy, and the organization of territorial governments. A man of great energy and persuasive power, standing only five feet four inches tall, Douglas became known as the Little Giant. Fearing that the issue might disrupt the Republic, he argued for the doctrine of popular sovereignty-the right of the people of a state or territory to decide the slavery question for themselves-as a Union-saving formula.

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He led the fight in Congress for the Compromise of Four years later, he incorporated the doctrine in the Kansas- Nebraska Act, thus repealing the Missouri Compromise of During the s, he continued to fight for popular sovereignty in Congress and in Illinois, where the state election campaign of was highlighted by his famous debates with Abraham Lincoln. He blamed the agitation over slavery on abolitionists in the North and disunionists in the South, trying to find a middle way that would preserve the Union. Slavery, he believed, must be treated impartially as a question of public policy, although he privately thought it was wrong and hoped it would be eliminated some day.

With his party hopelessly divided and a Republican elected to the presidency, he fought strenuously to hold the sections together with a compromise on the slavery issue, but to no avail. The cancellation caused the campus to erupt. I saw students literally celebrating in the halls, while others who wanted to listen to Legutko speak sent out angry text messages. As I headed over, he explained that Professor Legutko was indeed on campus, and would be giving his talk to a political-science class.

I learned that students in the class had unanimously voted in support of his appearance. When I entered the room, there was probably about 25 students in attendance, but that number exceeded 40 by the time the event was over. The numbers here are small, but the entire Middlebury student body consists of only about 2, students—the size of a large high school. Eventually, someone at the campus newspaper got word of the event, and began to livestream it from a Facebook account. A professor told them to stop recording his class, and Professor Legutko subsequently left the conference room with a security detail as a crowd of about half a dozen student protestors looked on passively.

He was then escorted off of campus. Naively imagining that this might be an opportunity for students of all viewpoints to speak their mind about the episode, I walked over. Upon entering that room, however, I realized this would be a very different kind of meeting. As my recording of the event shows , it was a call-and-response performance starring outraged protestors and three highly sympathetic administration members—two of them being both deans and gender studies professors. The response of the administrators was an endless expression of sympathy and guilt, as well as pledges to make things right.

The students actually demanded that the administrators take notes. And like an obedient underling, one of the professors whipped out her phone to record every demand all of which were subsequently published in manifesto form. The three faculty members spoke openly about their desire to block speakers with certain viewpoints from coming to campus, and discussed plans for an extensive background-check scheme that would allow Middlebury officials to systematically analyze speakers beforehand.

After about an hour, three more college officials entered the room, and students again jumped up to the whiteboard to list their demands. I was stunned by the realization that the school was no longer run according to any coherent set of ideas set down by the administration, but rather by the knee-jerk diktats of a small group of radicalized students operating in open alliance with like-minded staffers.

Fighting this madness meant exposing it, which is why I published the audio recording. Nayna posted a short-form video on his YouTube account, which as of this writing has more than 35, views. Mead Memorial Chapel and Gifford Hall at Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vermont—as rendered in faux-linen texture on a postcard thought to have been published between and This is not the first time that Middlebury has been at the center of this sort of controversy: In , a group of students shut down a speaking appearance by Charles Murray, generating a fracas that led to the injury of faculty member Allison Stranger and the disciplining of dozens of protestors.

That happened while I was still in high school. When we lament the brainwashing and indoctrination that takes place in literary, activist and corporate circles—as well as on social media—it is important to remember that places such as Middlebury are where these authoritarian attitudes first germinate.

Putting aside the ideological and political attitudes at play, there is a social component as well: Never in my life have I witnessed so many arrogant, needy, spoiled brats on parade. And it is shocking to see these specimens presume to lecture the adults who run their school—and to do so successfully. My hope is that by helping to expose this phenomenon, I can help others find a way to fight the campus authoritarians and restore Middlebury—and the many other schools like it—to their proper role as places of education, not bullying and indoctrination.

Another one bites the dust! How soon before it gets easier to just list the North American colleges which have NOT gone to hell in a handbasket? Proponents have grown confident and are now overt with their demands and intentions. Just look up interviews with Yuri Bezmenov to see how much of the demoralization started. I would argue that much of it was overt, rather than covert. It has spread to all western democracies now. One can only hope that repeated exposure such as this will help turn the tide eventually.

Even in my workplace we have a inclusivity and diversity group … oddly the staff of are exclusively female. Such diversity…. They are the useful idiots, and nobody stoped them. Bezmenov was a Soviet journalist. He was useless as a defector, but found a profitable gig telling stories for John Birch.

What I Saw at Middlebury College - Quillette

While he was not wrong, he was fake. William F. Buckley, God and Man at Yale, Commies, socialists, the left have occupied U. At the university where I used to teach, many research areas [such as rare manuscript rooms, animal care facilities, etc. Students and faculty had to show IDs to enter, and visitors had to wear a temporary badge.

Other sensitive areas on campus were protected by alarms, card-swipe stations and other security measures. The university had a very visible campus police force and could call upon the city police and even state police when needed. Administrators change jobs more frequently than professors, sometimes moving between academia and private industry. So generally they want to keep their resumes free of controversy, and that usually means giving in to students even against the wishes of faculty.

See my comment below to Joe for details. People get blocked, muted or censored all the time on FB, on comments sections attached to various newspapers and webzines, on Twitter, etc. If you are lying then you are lying. It is the whole fucking purpose of schooling… to procure the ability to build a solid argument.

Do you often make up lies in your life, just becuase most of it is informal? Did you learn that off your parents? Academic values include things like tenure, academic freedom and [for public universities] constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and assembly, and right to due process. But the recent trend has been for power on campuses to flow away from faculty and toward non-academic staff, not the other way around. Prove your point with references. Look up the difference and relationship between cause and effect. Admin is effect and not the cause. This site has all these stories well covereed and cause is mainly students followed by the teachers.

These are informal comments, not term papers or theses. No one is obliged to provide references. Do your own research! Middlebury has a 1. In my opinion they should be more than able to hire proper security. You make a dichotomy between the academics and the support staff. One might expect a direct conflict, but it would seem that at the very least the academics have rather caved in to the diktat of the admins if not outright supporting an agenda which, as you say, would seem to be the opposite of what academics are supposed to be about.

Students have the right to peaceful protest. They do not have the right to interfere with the learning of fellow students.

It would be a shame if it came to ditching outside speakers, and it may come to that. It denies students opportunities during their time at the college and it denies them a valuable lesson in how to deal, ironically, with genuine diversity by example. As for the violence at certain universities, the calculation is to cause such cost for certain types of speakers so as to not invite them or force their sponsors to pay a security premium sort of the first amendment equivalent of a poll tax.

And the Trump admin. See here, for example:. A Virginia-based think tank heavily funded by billionaire Charles Koch is among the financial backers of a Middlebury College lecture series that reignited an intense debate about campus free speech this week. College administrators canceled the lecture, citing security worries, as protestors who branded Legutko a homophobe prepared to demonstrate. The Hamilton series is meant to broaden debate and inquiry at the highly selective private liberal arts college. Clifford S. Asness is a billionaire hedge fund manager. He serves on its board, as do two representatives of the Charles Koch Foundation.

Two other organizations also funded the series, according to Callanan: The J.

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This seems like a quid pro quo—Miller Center contributes money to the Forum and the Forum then invites one of the Miller staff to give a talk as part of their lecture series. Move along, nothing to see here. Your bottom line is actually your premise, and no one except other leftists can see what conclusions you think should be drawn from it. The fact that conservative professors and students invite conservative speakers, sometimes with financial assistance from public spirited third parties, is evidence to me of a robust marketplace of ideas.

And you ignored the possible quid pro quo in having a staffer at the Miller Center [one of the funders of the lecture series] give a lecture as part of the series. My understanding was that they had done just the opposite. President Trump on Thursday delivered on his promise of an executive order that would hold colleges that receive federal research funding accountable for protecting free speech…..

It directs 12 federal grant-making agencies to coordinate with the Office of Management and Budget to certify that colleges receiving federal research funds comply with existing federal law and regulations involving free academic inquiry. So private colleges are expected to follow their own rules on speech or else…….. Claims about the cost of security are disingenuous. If the school announced that violent or disruptive protests would no longer be permitted on campus and that students participating in such protests would be expelled and off-campus participants arrested and charged, the turn-out would be halved the next time around.

If the administration followed through on the threat and expelled and arrested violent protesters, that would be the end of it. After all, how come the cost of security is only ever used to justify cancelling speakers and never to justify expelling students and prosecuting outsiders? But administrators never defend expelling students and arresting outsiders for this reason.

But the reality is that the college holds the cards once the student is enrolled. I agree that such speakers have a right to their opinions, but many might question whether the primary goal is educational — or to cause a ruckus. Surely Middlebury College is entitled to protection from outside rioters by the local and state authorities just as much as individual home owners. Or is every party required to maintain their own protective force?

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That is why some bars, stores and homeowners associations hire private cops or off-duty cops to obtain that kind of protection from threats. Middlebury has a record of violent, counter protests. Just because the faculty allows students to mischaracterize and defame speakers does not mean such behavior is acceptable. The action of the students protesting conservative speakers and ideas constitute an assault on the Vermont sons and daughters who defended freedom during the Revoultionary, Civil, and other wars that they distinguished themselves in. And the campus referred some cases to the [town of] Middlebury PD, who was unable to make any arrests.

Simple: Fire the ever-growing number of exorbitantly salaried inclusion and diversity administrators, and hire campus police. To stop this madness, alumni must close their wallets. This is racketeering straight up. It reminds me of basketball players and soccer players who would flop on the ground, feigning injury in order to draw a foul.

Notice how they are demanding that they hire staff that they want. This is straight out of the mafia. A few protesters were escorted out after a few heckles. You cannot push back against the accusations of the students, no matter how stupid and unsubstantiated. At one of my schools there was a big stink about not hiring a minority to fill an open faculty position. There were no qualified minority candidates after that. NP — the rot starts at the top. Another positive step would be a presidential announcement about the termination of all grievance studies departments and majors as they have done in Hungary.

I can guarantee that any school that would adopt such policies particularly a higher status school would see student applications increase, alumni donations increase, and an increase in the quality of applications for faculty positions. This fall, we expect less than freshmen to attend Evergreen, a fifty percent drop from two years ago. Really, however much the kids enjoy their virtue performances, who really is going to actually pay money to attend such an institution?

True-believer SJW students may be beyond hope, but perhaps parents who are footing the bill will realize that these colleges are out of control and refuse to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars to send their children there. Ray — Evergreen is toast. I bet any faculty with decent records are actively looking for new positions elsewhere.

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NIce to see you gentlemen in substantive agreement. It seems that the unchecked rise in tuition has finally started to get parents asking questions. That, combined with the above will surely result in a shakeout. Perhaps when the wokest colleges start to fail, the whole of academia will awaken from this nightmare.

It would be a negative and authoritarian step. And would be greatly harmful. One needs to improve courses and not destroy them by the order of some authoritarian governance. And yes — a course half based in science and the other based in the arts — gender studies — would be a very worthy course. MIddlebury rejects 4 applicants for every one that they accept. If they have a student body full of entitled, self-absorbed, whining snowflakes, it is entirely their fault for offering admission to those students.

They always cave. Look at Yale after that insane student shrieked and cursed at a well regarded professor for daring to have a wife who dared to say that students might be able to choose Halloween costumes themselves as opposed to having Yale choose for them. What happened? Was the student reprimanded? Far from it. She was rewarded the next year. The professor and his wife quit, but the student was given an award by Yale. So the message is quite clear—insane unbalanced students are given inordinate power by admin. Other students have to shut up and tow the line, for if a tenured professor could be driven out because of his wife , imagine what would happen to a lowly student, particularly a non-rich one.

So most students walk around afraid of speaking. They also have no real power; the only power they have is what adults give them. Look at the UArts dean and how he spoke out protecting Paglia and nothing bad happened. My own kids are totally non-SJW and experience hands down the most indoctrination from the professors themselves, not the students.

It is impossible to speak out in class, or you will get a bad grade. The students not only have to listen to this but they have to parrot back the talking points in subjectively graded essays or risk a D. This has nothing to do with students. They are young and easily manipulated.

This is adults here—professors, admin, parents, politicians, media. Two intelligent friends of one of my close friends, both of whom have struggled for years with mental health and drug abuse issues, now spend an inordinate amount of time on social media making political rants, mostly about Trump. These people are not emotionally or psychologically healthy. It just reminds me that some of the loudest voices spewing the most vitriolic bullshit are seriously disturbed people who receive dubious forms of social rewards and amplification in our current social media and clickbait corporate media environment.

The level of emotional immaturity and psychological pathology on display during the Yale event, the Evergreen State College meltdown, and the crucifixion of the Covington Catholic HS kids is astounding. I think Rod Dreher is onto something with his idea of the Benedict Option. We may need to begin to develop islands of sanity organized around sets of higher principles. Some islands could perhaps be secular, some religious. Ideally all would highlight the core principles of the West- due process, presumption of innocence, freedom of speech, freedom from coercion by the State and increasingly, freedom from coercion from corporate tech oligopolies who are often in partnership with the State.

Modern Western culture has become homogenized, corporatized, and toxic. It is centered around the lowest common denominator, who appears to be an emotionally disturbed 12 year old, prone to frequent screaming fits. I wonder if any human society in any culture has ever exhibited such characteristics. I doubt it. It takes an enormous lack of contact with survival pressures to get this insane. Ideally all would highlight the core principles of the West- due process, presumption of innocence, freedom of speech, freedom from coercion by the State. Sadly, this is exactly what colleges and universities were once intended to be.

Exactly- result of too much distance from the base layer of the hierarchy of needs. A few years of working for the energy sucking corporate overlords will put an end to invented trials and tribulations. This has nothing to do with students? Just try challenging a black student about racism or a Latin student about immigration. Try doing so in front of a class of young people who have been trained to think that nothing is ever their fault and see how quickly you lose the class. Nakatomi, why are you so emotional in your response?

Neither, however, is your take. We have drawn different conclusions.